Some of Aristotle's works
2
2
350 BC
by Aristotle
translated by Sir Frederic G. Kenyon
1
...[They were tried] by a court empanelled from among the noble
families, and sworn upon the sacrifices. The part of accuser was taken
by Myron. They were found guilty of the sacrilege, and their bodies
were cast out of their graves and their race banished for evermore. In
view of this expiation, Epimenides the Cretan performed a purification
of the city.
2
After this event there was contention for a long time between the
upper classes and the populace. Not only was the constitution at
this time oligarchical in every respect, but the poorer classes,
men, women, and children, were the serfs of the rich. They were
known as Pelatae and also as Hectemori, because they cultivated the
lands of the rich at the rent thus indicated. The whole country was in
the hands of a few persons, and if the tenants failed to pay their
rent they were liable to be haled into slavery, and their children
with them. All loans secured upon the debtor's person, a custom
which prevailed until the time of Solon, who was the first to appear
as the champion of the people. But the hardest and bitterest part of
the constitution in the eyes of the masses was their state of serfdom.
Not but what they were also discontented with every other feature of
their lot; for, to speak generally, they had no part nor share in
anything.
3
Now the ancient constitution, as it existed before the time of
Draco, was organized as follows. The magistrates were elected
according to qualifications of birth and wealth. At first they
governed for life, but subsequently for terms of ten years. The
first magistrates, both in date and in importance, were the King,
the Polemarch, and the Archon. The earliest of these offices was
that of the King, which existed from ancestral antiquity. To this
was added, secondly, the office of Polemarch, on account of some of
the kings proving feeble in war; for it was on this account that Ion
was invited to accept the post on an occasion of pressing need. The
last of the three offices was that of the Archon, which most
authorities state to have come into existence in the time of Medon.
Others assign it to the time of Acastus, and adduce as proof the
fact that the nine Archons swear to execute their oaths 'as in the
days of Acastus,' which seems to suggest that it was in his time
that the descendants of Codrus retired from the kingship in return for
the prerogatives conferred upon the Archon. Whichever way it may be,
the difference in date is small; but that it was the last of these
magistracies to be created is shown by the fact that the Archon has no
part in the ancestral sacrifices, as the King and the Polemarch
have, but exclusively in those of later origin. So it is only at a
comparatively late date that the office of Archon has become of
great importance, through the dignity conferred by these later
additions. The Thesmothetae were many years afterwards, when these
offices had already become annual, with the object that they might
publicly record all legal decisions, and act as guardians of them with
a view to determining the issues between litigants. Accordingly
their office, alone of those which have been mentioned, was never of
more than annual duration.
Such, then, is the relative chronological precedence of these
offices. At that time the nine Archons did not all live together.
The King occupied the building now known as the Boculium, near the
Prytaneum, as may be seen from the fact that even to the present day
the marriage of the King's wife to Dionysus takes place there. The
Archon lived in the Prytaneum, the Polemarch in the Epilyceum. The
latter building was formerly called the Polemarcheum, but after
Epilycus, during his term of office as Polemarch, had rebuilt it and
fitted it up, it was called the Epilyceum. The Thesmothetae occupied
the Thesmotheteum. In the time of Solon, however, they all came
together into the Thesmotheteum. They had power to decide cases
finally on their own authority, not, as now, merely to hold a
preliminary hearing. Such then was the arrangement of the
magistracies. The Council of Areopagus had as its constitutionally
assigned duty the protection of the laws; but in point of fact it
administered the greater and most important part of the government
of the state, and inflicted personal punishments and fines summarily
upon all who misbehaved themselves. This was the natural consequence
of the facts that the Archons were elected under qualifications of
birth and wealth, and that the Areopagus was composed of those who had
served as Archons; for which latter reason the membership of the
Areopagus is the only office which has continued to be a
life-magistracy to the present day.
4
Such was, in outline, the first constitution, but not very long
after the events above recorded, in the archonship of Aristaichmus,
Draco enacted his ordinances. Now his constitution had the following
form. The franchise was given to all who could furnish themselves with
a military equipment. The nine Archons and the Treasurers were elected
by this body from persons possessing an unencumbered property of not
less than ten minas, the less important officials from those who could
furnish themselves with a military equipment, and the generals
[Strategi] and commanders of the cavalry [Hipparchi] from those who
could show an unencumbered property of not less than a hundred
minas, and had children born in lawful wedlock over ten years of
age. These officers were required to hold to bail the Prytanes, the
Strategi, and the Hipparchi of the preceding year until their accounts
had been audited, taking four securities of the same class as that
to which the Strategi and the Hipparchi belonged. There was also to be
a Council, consisting of four hundred and one members, elected by
lot from among those who possessed the franchise. Both for this and
for the other magistracies the lot was cast among those who were
over thirty years of age; and no one might hold office twice until
every one else had had his turn, after which they were to cast the lot
afresh. If any member of the Council failed to attend when there was a
sitting of the Council or of the Assembly, he paid a fine, to the
amount of three drachmas if he was a Pentacosiomedimnus, two if he was
a Knight, and One if he was a Zeugites. The Council of Areopagus was
guardian of the laws, and kept watch over the magistrates to see
that they executed their offices in accordance with the laws. Any
person who felt himself wronged might lay an information before the
Council of Areopagus, on declaring what law was broken by the wrong
done to him. But, as has been said before, loans were secured upon the
persons of the debtors, and the land was in the hands of a few.
5
Since such, then, was the organization of the constitution, and
the many were in slavery to the few, the people rose against the upper
class. The strife was keen, and for a long time the two parties were
ranged in hostile camps against one another, till at last, by common
consent, they appointed Solon to be mediator and Archon, and committed
the whole constitution to his hands. The immediate occasion of his
appointment was his poem, which begins with the words:
I behold, and within my heart deep sadness has claimed its place,
As I mark the oldest home of the ancient Ionian race
Slain by the sword.
In this poem he fights and disputes on behalf of each party in
turn against the other, and finally he advises them to come to terms
and put an end to the quarrel existing between them. By birth and
reputation Solon was one of the foremost men of the day, but in wealth
and position he was of the middle class, as is generally agreed, and
is, indeed, established by his own evidence in these poems, where he
exhorts the wealthy not to be grasping.
But ye who have store of good, who are sated and overflow,
Restrain your swelling soul, and still it and keep it low:
Let the heart that is great within you he trained a lowlier way;
Ye shall not have all at your will, and we will not for ever obey.
Indeed, he constantly fastens the blame of the conflict on the
rich; and accordingly at the beginning of the poem he says that he
fears' the love of wealth and an overweening mind', evidently
meaning that it was through these that the quarrel arose.
6
As soon as he was at the head of affairs, Solon liberated the people
once and for all, by prohibiting all loans on the security of the
debtor's person: and in addition he made laws by which he cancelled
all debts, public and private. This measure is commonly called the
Seisachtheia [= removal of burdens], since thereby the people had
their loads removed from them. In connexion with it some persons try
to traduce the character of Solon. It so happened that, when he was
about to enact the Seisachtheia, he communicated his intention to some
members of the upper class, whereupon, as the partisans of the popular
party say, his friends stole a march on him; while those who wish to
attack his character maintain that he too had a share in the fraud
himself. For these persons borrowed money and bought up a large amount
of land, and so when, a short time afterwards, all debts were
cancelled, they became wealthy; and this, they say, was the origin
of the families which were afterwards looked on as having been wealthy
from primeval times. However, the story of the popular party is by far
the most probable. A man who was so moderate and public-spirited in
all his other actions, that when it was within his power to put his
fellow-citizens beneath his feet and establish himself as tyrant, he
preferred instead to incur the hostility of both parties by placing
his honour and the general welfare above his personal
aggrandisement, is not likely to have consented to defile his hands by
such a petty and palpable fraud. That he had this absolute power is,
in the first place, indicated by the desperate condition the
country; moreover, he mentions it himself repeatedly in his poems, and
it is universally admitted. We are therefore bound to consider this
accusation to be false.
7
Next Solon drew up a constitution and enacted new laws; and the
ordinances of Draco ceased to be used, with the exception of those
relating to murder. The laws were inscribed on the wooden stands,
and set up in the King's Porch, and all swore to obey them; and the
nine Archons made oath upon the stone, declaring that they would
dedicate a golden statue if they should transgress any of them. This
is the origin of the oath to that effect which they take to the
present day. Solon ratified his laws for a hundred years; and the
following was the fashion in which he organized the constitution. He
divided the population according to property into four classes, just
as it had been divided before, namely, Pentacosiomedimni, Knights,
Zeugitae, and Thetes. The various magistracies, namely, the nine
Archons, the Treasurers, the Commissioners for Public Contracts
(Poletae), the Eleven, and Clerks (Colacretae), he assigned to the
Pentacosiomedimni, the Knights, and the Zeugitae, giving offices to
each class in proportion to the value of their rateable property. To
who ranked among the Thetes he gave nothing but a place in the
Assembly and in the juries. A man had to rank as a
Pentacosiomedimnus if he made, from his own land, five hundred
measures, whether liquid or solid. Those ranked as Knights who made
three hundred measures, or, as some say, those who were able to
maintain a horse. In support of the latter definition they adduce
the name of the class, which may be supposed to be derived from this
fact, and also some votive offerings of early times; for in the
Acropolis there is a votive offering, a statue of Diphilus, bearing
this inscription:
The son of Diphilus, Athenion hight,
Raised from the Thetes and become a knight,
Did to the gods this sculptured charger bring,
For his promotion a thank-offering.
And a horse stands in evidence beside the man, implying that this
was what was meant by belonging to the rank of Knight. At the same
time it seems reasonable to suppose that this class, like the
Pentacosiomedimni, was defined by the possession of an income of a
certain number of measures. Those ranked as Zeugitae who made two
hundred measures, liquid or solid; and the rest ranked as Thetes,
and were not eligible for any office. Hence it is that even at the
present day, when a candidate for any office is asked to what class he
belongs, no one would think of saying that he belonged to the Thetes.
8
The elections to the various offices Solon enacted should be by lot,
out of candidates selected by each of the tribes. Each tribe
selected ten candidates for the nine archonships, and among these
the lot was cast. Hence it is still the custom for each tribe to
choose ten candidates by lot, and then the lot is again cast among
these. A proof that Solon regulated the elections to office
according to the property classes may be found in the law still in
force with regard to the Treasurers, which enacts that they shall be
chosen from the Pentacosiomedimni. Such was Solon's legislation with
respect to the nine Archons; whereas in early times the Council of
Areopagus summoned suitable persons according to its own judgement and
appointed them for the year to the several offices. There were four
tribes, as before, and four tribe-kings. Each tribe was divided into
three Trittyes [=Thirds], with twelve Naucraries in each; and the
Naucraries had officers of their own, called Naucrari, whose duty it
was to superintend the current receipts and expenditure. Hence,
among the laws of Solon now obsolete, it is repeatedly written that
the Naucrari are to receive and to spend out of the Naucraric fund.
Solon also appointed a Council of four hundred, a hundred from each
tribe; but he assigned to the Council of the Areopagus the duty of
superintending the laws, acting as before as the guardian of the
constitution in general. It kept watch over the affairs of the state
in most of the more important matters, and corrected offenders, with
full powers to inflict either fines or personal punishment. The
money received in fines it brought up into the Acropolis, without
assigning the reason for the mulct. It also tried those who
conspired for the overthrow of the state, Solon having enacted a
process of impeachment to deal with such offenders. Further, since
he saw the state often engaged in internal disputes, while many of the
citizens from sheer indifference accepted whatever might turn up, he
made a law with express reference to such persons, enacting that any
one who, in a time civil factions, did not take up arms with either
party, should lose his rights as a citizen and cease to have any
part in the state.
9
Such, then, was his legislation concerning the magistracies. There
are three points in the constitution of Solon which appear to be its
most democratic features: first and most important, the prohibition of
loans on the security of the debtor's person; secondly, the right of
every person who so willed to claim redress on behalf of any one to
whom wrong was being done; thirdly, the institution of the appeal to
the jurycourts; and it is to this last, they say, that the masses have
owed their strength most of all, since, when the democracy is master
of the voting-power, it is master of the constitution. Moreover, since
the laws were not drawn up in simple and explicit terms (but like
the one concerning inheritances and wards of state), disputes
inevitably occurred, and the courts had to decide in every matter,
whether public or private. Some persons in fact believe that Solon
deliberately made the laws indefinite, in order that the final
decision might be in the hands of the people. This, however, is not
probable, and the reason no doubt was that it is impossible to
attain ideal perfection when framing a law in general terms; for we
must judge of his intentions, not from the actual results in the
present day, but from the general tenor of the rest of his
legislation.
10
These seem to be the democratic features of his laws; but in
addition, before the period of his legislation, he carried through his
abolition of debts, and after it his increase in the standards of
weights and measures, and of the currency. During his administration
the measures were made larger than those of Pheidon, and the mina,
which previously had a standard of seventy drachmas, was raised to the
full hundred. The standard coin in earlier times was the two-drachma
piece. He also made weights corresponding with the coinage,
sixty-three minas going to the talent; and the odd three minas were
distributed among the staters and the other values.
11
When he had completed his organization of the constitution in the
manner that has been described, he found himself beset by people
coming to him and harassing him concerning his laws, criticizing
here and questioning there, till, as he wished neither to alter what
he had decided on nor yet to be an object of ill will to every one
by remaining in Athens, he set off on a journey to Egypt, with the
combined objects of trade and travel, giving out that he should not
return for ten years. He considered that there was no call for him
to expound the laws personally, but that every one should obey them
just as they were written. Moreover, his position at this time was
unpleasant. Many members of the upper class had been estranged from
him on account of his abolition of debts, and both parties were
alienated through their disappointment at the condition of things
which he had created. The mass of the people had expected him to
make a complete redistribution of all property, and the upper class
hoped he would restore everything to its former position, or, at any
rate, make but a small change. Solon, however, had resisted both
classes. He might have made himself a despot by attaching himself to
whichever party he chose, but he preferred, though at the cost of
incurring the enmity of both, to be the saviour of his country and the
ideal lawgiver.
12
The truth of this view of Solon's policy is established alike by
common consent, and by the mention he has himself made of the matter
in his poems. Thus:
I gave to the mass of the people such rank as befitted their need,
I took not away their honour, and I granted naught to their greed;
While those who were rich in power, who in wealth were glorious and
great,
I bethought me that naught should befall them unworthy their
splendour and state;
So I stood with my shield outstretched, and both were sale in its
sight,
And I would not that either should triumph, when the triumph was
not with right.
Again he declares how the mass of the people ought to be treated:
But thus will the people best the voice of their leaders obey,
When neither too slack is the rein, nor violence holdeth the sway;
For indulgence breedeth a child, the presumption that spurns control,
When riches too great are poured upon men of unbalanced soul.
And again elsewhere he speaks about the persons who wished to
redistribute the land:
So they came in search of plunder, and their cravings knew no hound,
Every one among them deeming endless wealth would here be found.
And that I with glozing smoothness hid a cruel mind within.
Fondly then and vainly dreamt they; now they raise an angry din,
And they glare askance in anger, and the light within their eyes
Burns with hostile flames upon me. Yet therein no justice lies.
All I promised, fully wrought I with the gods at hand to cheer,
Naught beyond in folly ventured. Never to my soul was dear
With a tyrant's force to govern, nor to see the good and base
Side by side in equal portion share the rich home of our race.
Once more he speaks of the abolition of debts and of those who
before were in servitude, but were released owing to the Seisachtheia:
Of all the aims for which I summoned forth
The people, was there one I compassed not?
Thou, when slow time brings justice in its train,
O mighty mother of the Olympian gods,
Dark Earth, thou best canst witness, from whose breast
I swept the pillars broadcast planted there,
And made thee free, who hadst been slave of yore.
And many a man whom fraud or law had sold
For from his god-built land, an outcast slave,
I brought again to Athens; yea, and some,
Exiles from home through debt's oppressive load,
Speaking no more the dear ATHENIAN tongue,
But wandering far and wide, I brought again;
And those that here in vilest slavery
Crouched 'neath a master's frown, I set them free.
Thus might and right were yoked in harmony,
Since by the force of law I won my ends
And kept my promise. Equal laws I gave
To evil and to good, with even hand
Drawing straight justice for the lot of each.
But had another held the goad as
One in whose heart was guile and greediness,
He had not kept the people back from strife.
For had I granted, now what pleased the one,
Then what their foes devised in counterpoise,
Of many a man this state had been bereft.
Therefore I showed my might on every side,
Turning at bay like wolf among the hounds.
And again he reviles both parties for their grumblings in the
times that followed:
Nay, if one must lay blame where blame is due,
Wer't not for me, the people ne'er had set
Their eyes upon these blessings e'en in dreams:-
While greater men, the men of wealthier life,
Should praise me and should court me as their friend.
For had any other man, he says, received this exalted post,
He had not kept the people hack, nor ceased
Til he had robbed the richness of the milk.
But I stood forth a landmark in the midst,
And barred the foes from battle.
13
Such then, were Solon's reasons for his departure from the
country. After his retirement the city was still torn by divisions.
For four years, indeed, they lived in peace; but in the fifth year
after Solon's government they were unable to elect an Archon on
account of their dissensions, and again four years later they
elected no Archon for the same reason. Subsequently, after a similar
period had elapsed, Damasias was elected Archon; and he governed for
two years and two months, until he was forcibly expelled from his
office. After this, it was agreed, as a compromise, to elect ten
Archons, five from the Eupatridae, three from the Agroeci, and two
from the Demiurgi, and they ruled for the year following Damasias.
It is clear from this that the Archon was at the time the magistrate
who possessed the greatest power, since it is always in connexion with
this office that conflicts are seen to arise. But altogether they were
in a continual state of internal disorder. Some found the cause and
justification of their discontent in the abolition of debts, because
thereby they had been reduced to poverty; others were dissatisfied
with the political constitution, because it had undergone a
revolutionary change; while with others the motive was found in
personal rivalries among themselves. The parties at this time were
three in number. First there was the party of the Shore, led by
Megacles the son of Alcmeon, which was considered to aim at a moderate
form of government; then there were the men of the Plain, who
desired an oligarchy and were led by Lycurgus; and thirdly there
were the men of the Highlands, at the head of whom was Pisistratus,
who was looked on as an extreme democrat. This latter party was
reinforced by those who had been deprived of the debts due to them,
from motives of poverty, and by those who were not of pure descent,
from motives of personal apprehension. A proof of this is seen in
the fact that after the tyranny was overthrown a revision was made
of the citizen-roll, on the ground that many persons were partaking in
the franchise without having a right to it. The names given to the
respective parties were derived from the districts in which they
held their lands.
14
Pisistratus had the reputation of being an extreme democrat, and
he also had distinguished himself greatly in the war with Megara.
Taking advantage of this, he wounded himself, and by representing that
his injuries had been inflicted on him by his political rivals, he
persuaded the people, through a motion proposed by Aristion, to
grant him a bodyguard. After he had got these 'club-bearers', as
they were called, he made an attack with them on the people and seized
the Acropolis. This happened in the archonship of Comeas, thirty-one
years after the legislation of Solon. It is related that, when
Pisistratus asked for his bodyguard, Solon opposed the request, and
declared that in so doing he proved himself wiser than half the people
and braver than the rest,-wiser than those who did not see that
Pisistratus designed to make himself tyrant, and braver than those who
saw it and kept silence. But when all his words availed nothing he
carried forth his armour and set it up in front of his house, saying
that he had helped his country so far as lay in his power (he was
already a very old man), and that he called on all others to do the
same. Solon's exhortations, however, proved fruitless, and Pisistratus
assumed the sovereignty. His administration was more like a
constitutional government than the rule of a tyrant; but before his
power was firmly established, the adherents of Megacles and Lycurgus
made a coalition and drove him out. This took place in the
archonship of Hegesias, five years after the first establishment of
his rule. Eleven years later Megacles, being in difficulties in a
party struggle, again opened-negotiations with Pisistratus,
proposing that the latter should marry his daughter; and on these
terms he brought him back to Athens, by a very primitive and
simple-minded device. He first spread abroad a rumour that Athena
was bringing back Pisistratus, and then, having found a woman of great
stature and beauty, named Phye (according to Herodotus, of the deme of
Paeania, but as others say a Thracian flower-seller of the deme of
Collytus), he dressed her in a garb resembling that of the goddess and
brought her into the city with Pisistratus. The latter drove in on a
chariot with the woman beside him, and the inhabitants of the city,
struck with awe, received him with adoration.
15
In this manner did his first return take place. He did not, however,
hold his power long, for about six years after his return he was again
expelled. He refused to treat the daughter of Megacles as his wife,
and being afraid, in consequence, of a combination of the two opposing
parties, he retired from the country. First he led a colony to a place
called Rhaicelus, in the region of the Thermaic gulf; and thence he
passed to the country in the neighbourhood of Mt. Pangaeus. Here he
acquired wealth and hired mercenaries; and not till ten years had
elapsed did he return to Eretria and make an attempt to recover the
government by force. In this he had the assistance of many allies,
notably the Thebans and Lygdamis of Naxos, and also the Knights who
held the supreme power in the constitution of Eretria. After his
victory in the battle at Pallene he captured Athens, and when he had
disarmed the people he at last had his tyranny securely established,
and was able to take Naxos and set up Lygdamis as ruler there. He
effected the disarmament of the people in the following manner. He
ordered a parade in full armour in the Theseum, and began to make a
speech to the people. He spoke for a short time, until the people
called out that they could not hear him, whereupon he bade them come
up to the entrance of the Acropolis, in order that his voice might
be better heard. Then, while he continued to speak to them at great
length, men whom he had appointed for the purpose collected the arms
and locked them up in the chambers of the Theseum hard by, and came
and made a signal to him that it was done. Pisistratus accordingly,
when he had finished the rest of what he had to say, told the people
also what had happened to their arms; adding that they were not to
be surprised or alarmed, but go home and attend to their private
affairs, while he would himself for the future manage all the business
of the state.
16
Such was the origin and such the vicissitudes of the tyranny of
Pisistratus. His administration was temperate, as has been said
before, and more like constitutional government than a tyranny. Not
only was he in every respect humane and mild and ready to forgive
those who offended, but, in addition, he advanced money to the
poorer people to help them in their labours, so that they might make
their living by agriculture. In this he had two objects, first that
they might not spend their time in the city but might be scattered
over all the face of the country, and secondly that, being
moderately well off and occupied with their own business, they might
have neither the wish nor the time to attend to public affairs. At the
same time his revenues were increased by the thorough cultivation of
the country, since he imposed a tax of one tenth on all the produce.
For the same reasons he instituted the local justices,' and often made
expeditions in person into the country to inspect it and to settle
disputes between individuals, that they might not come into the city
and neglect their farms. It was in one of these progresses that, as
the story goes, Pisistratus had his adventure with the man of
Hymettus, who was cultivating the spot afterwards known as 'Tax-free
Farm'. He saw a man digging and working at a very stony piece of
ground, and being surprised he sent his attendant to ask what he got
out of this plot of land. 'Aches and pains', said the man; 'and that's
what Pisistratus ought to have his tenth of'. The man spoke without
knowing who his questioner was; but Pisistratus was so leased with his
frank speech and his industry that he granted him exemption from all
taxes. And so in matters in general he burdened the people as little
as possible with his government, but always cultivated peace and
kept them in all quietness. Hence the tyranny of Pisistratus was often
spoken of proverbially as 'the age of gold'; for when his sons
succeeded him the government became much harsher. But most important
of all in this respect was his popular and kindly disposition. In
all things he was accustomed to observe the laws, without giving
himself any exceptional privileges. Once he was summoned on a charge
of homicide before the Areopagus, and he appeared in person to make
his defence; but the prosecutor was afraid to present himself and
abandoned the case. For these reasons he held power long, and whenever
he was expelled he regained his position easily. The majority alike of
the upper class and of the people were in his favour; the former he
won by his social intercourse with them, the latter by the
assistance which he gave to their private purses, and his nature
fitted him to win the hearts of both. Moreover, the laws in
reference to tyrants at that time in force at Athens were very mild,
especially the one which applies more particularly to the
establishment of a tyranny. The law ran as follows: 'These are the
ancestral statutes of the ATHENIANs; if any persons shall make an
attempt to establish a tyranny, or if any person shall join in setting
up a tyranny, he shall lose his civic rights, both himself and his
whole house.'
17
Thus did Pisistratus grow old in the possession of power, and he
died a natural death in the archonship of Philoneos, three and
thirty years from the time at which he first established himself as
tyrant, during nineteen of which he was in possession of power; the
rest he spent in exile. It is evident from this that the story is mere
gossip which states that Pisistratus was the youthful favourite of
Solon and commanded in the war against Megara for the recovery of
Salamis. It will not harmonize with their respective ages, as any
one may see who will reckon up the years of the life of each of
them, and the dates at which they died. After the death of Pisistratus
his sons took up the government, and conducted it on the same
system. He had two sons by his first and legitimate wife, Hippias
and Hipparchus, and two by his Argive consort, Iophon and
Hegesistratus, who was surnamed Thessalus. For Pisistratus took a wife
from Argos, Timonassa, the daughter of a man of Argos, named Gorgilus;
she had previously been the wife of Archinus of Ambracia, one of the
descendants of Cypselus. This was the origin of his friendship with
the Argives, on account of which a thousand of them were brought
over by Hegesistratus and fought on his side in the battle at Pallene.
Some authorities say that this marriage took place after his first
expulsion from Athens, others while he was in possession of the
government.
18
Hippias and Hipparchus assumed the control of affairs on grounds
alike of standing and of age; but Hippias, as being also naturally
of a statesmanlike and shrewd disposition, was really the head of
the government. Hipparchus was youthful in disposition, amorous, and
fond of literature (it was he who invited to Athens Anacreon,
Simonides, and the other poets), while Thessalus was much junior in
age, and was violent and headstrong in his behaviour. It was from
his character that all the evils arose which befell the house. He
became enamoured of Harmodius, and, since he failed to win his
affection, he lost all restraint upon his passion, and in addition
to other exhibitions of rage he finally prevented the sister of
Harmodius from taking the part of a basket-bearer in the Panathenaic
procession, alleging as his reason that Harmodius was a person of
loose life. Thereupon, in a frenzy of wrath, Harmodius and
Aristogeiton did their celebrated deed, in conjunction with a number
of confederates. But while they were lying in wait for Hippias in
the Acropolis at the time of the Panathenaea (Hippias, at this moment,
was awaiting the arrival of the procession, while Hipparchus was
organizing its dispatch) they saw one of the persons privy to the plot
talking familiarly with him. Thinking that he was betraying them,
and desiring to do something before they were arrested, they rushed
down and made their attempt without waiting for the rest of their
confederates. They succeeded in killing Hipparchus near the
Leocoreum while he was engaged in arranging the procession, but ruined
the design as a whole; of the two leaders, Harmodius was killed on the
spot by the guards, while Aristogeiton was arrested, and perished
later after suffering long tortures. While under the torture he
accused many persons who belonged by birth to the most distinguished
families and were also personal friends of the tyrants. At first the
government could find no clue to the conspiracy; for the current
story, that Hippias made all who were taking part in the procession
leave their arms, and then detected those who were carrying secret
daggers, cannot be true, since at that time they did not bear arms
in the processions, this being a custom instituted at a later period
by the democracy. According to the story of the popular party,
Aristogeiton accused the friends of the tyrants with the deliberate
intention that the latter might commit an impious act, and at the same
time weaken themselves, by putting to death innocent men who were
their own friends; others say that he told no falsehood, but was
betraying the actual accomplices. At last, when for all his efforts he
could not obtain release by death, he promised to give further
information against a number of other persons; and, having induced
Hippias to give him his hand to confirm his word, as soon as he had
hold of it he reviled him for giving his hand to the murderer of his
brother, till Hippias, in a frenzy of rage, lost control of himself
and snatched out his dagger and dispatched him.
19
After this event the tyranny became much harsher. In consequence
of his vengeance for his brother, and of the execution and
banishment of a large number of persons, Hippias became a distrusted
and an embittered man. About three years after the death of
Hipparchus, finding his position in the city insecure, he set about
fortifying Munichia, with the intention of establishing himself there.
While he was still engaged on this work, however, he was expelled by
Cleomenes, king of Lacedaemon, in consequence of the Spartans being
continually incited by oracles to overthrow the tyranny. These oracles
were obtained in the following way. The Athenian exiles, headed by the
Alcmeonidae, could not by their own power effect their return, but
failed continually in their attempts. Among their other failures, they
fortified a post in Attica, Lipsydrium, above Mt. Parnes, and were
there joined by some partisans from the city; but they were besieged
by the tyrants and reduced to surrender. After this disaster the
following became a popular drinking song:
Ah! Lipsydrium, faithless friend!
Lo, what heroes to death didst send,
Nobly born and great in deed!
Well did they prove themselves at need
Of noble sires a noble seed.
Having failed, then, in very other method, they took the contract
for rebuilding the temple at Delphi, thereby obtaining ample funds,
which they employed to secure the help of the Lacedaemonians. All this
time the Pythia kept continually enjoining on the Lacedaemonians who
came to consult the oracle, that they must free Athens; till finally
she succeeded in impelling the Spartans to that step, although the
house of Pisistratus was connected with them by ties of hospitality.
The resolution of the Lacedaemonians was, however, at least equally
due to the friendship which had been formed between the house of
Pisistratus and Argos. Accordingly they first sent Anchimolus by sea
at the head of an army; but he was defeated and killed, through the
arrival of Cineas of Thessaly to support the sons of Pisistratus
with a force of a thousand horsemen. Then, being roused to anger by
this disaster, they sent their king, Cleomenes, by land at the head of
a larger force; and he, after defeating the Thessalian cavalry when
they attempted to intercept his march into Attica, shut up Hippias
within what was known as the Pelargic wall and blockaded him there
with the assistance of the Athenians. While he was sitting down before
the place, it so happened that the sons of the Pisistratidae were
captured in an attempt to slip out; upon which the tyrants capitulated
on condition of the safety of their children, and surrendered the
Acropolis to the Athenians, five days being first allowed them to
remove their effects. This took place in the archonship of
Harpactides, after they had held the tyranny for about seventeen years
since their father's death, or in all, including the period of their
father's rule, for nine-and-forty years.
20
After the overthrow of the tyranny, the rival leaders in the state
were Isagoras son of Tisander, a partisan of the tyrants, and
Cleisthenes, who belonged to the family of the Alcmeonidae.
Cleisthenes, being beaten in the political clubs, called in the people
by giving the franchise to the masses. Thereupon Isagoras, finding
himself left inferior in power, invited Cleomenes, who was united to
him by ties of hospitality, to return to Athens, and persuaded him
to 'drive out the pollution', a plea derived from the fact that the
Alcmeonidae were suppposed to be under the curse of pollution. On this
Cleisthenes retired from the country, and Cleomenes, entering Attica
with a small force, expelled, as polluted, seven hundred Athenian
families. Having effected this, he next attempted to dissolve the
Council, and to set up Isagoras and three hundred of his partisans
as the supreme power in the state. The Council, however, resisted, the
populace flocked together, and Cleomenes and Isagoras, with their
adherents, took refuge in the Acropolis. Here the people sat down
and besieged them for two days; and on the third they agreed to let
Cleomenes and all his followers de art, while they summoned
Cleisthenes and the other exiles back to Athens. When the people had
thus obtained the command of affairs, Cleisthenes was their chief
and popular leader. And this was natural; for the Alcmeonidae were
perhaps the chief cause of the expulsion of the tyrants, and for the
greater part of their rule were at perpetual war with them. But even
earlier than the attempts of the Alcmeonidae, one Cedon made an attack
on the tyrants; when there came another popular drinking song,
addressed to him:
Pour a health yet again, boy, to Cedon; forget not this duty to do,
If a health is an honour befitting the name of a good man and true.
21
The people, therefore, had good reason to place confidence in
Cleisthenes. Accordingly, now that he was the popular leader, three
years after the expulsion of the tyrants, in the archonship of
Isagoras, his first step was to distribute the whole population into
ten tribes in place of the existing four, with the object of
intermixing the members of the different tribes, and so securing
that more persons might have a share in the franchise. From this arose
the saying 'Do not look at the tribes', addressed to those who
wished to scrutinize the lists of the old families. Next he made the
Council to consist of five hundred members instead of four hundred,
each tribe now contributing fifty, whereas formerly each had sent a
hundred. The reason why he did not organize the people into twelve
tribes was that he might not have to use the existing division into
trittyes; for the four tribes had twelve trittyes, so that he would
not have achieved his object of redistributing the population in fresh
combinations. Further, he divided the country into thirty groups of
demes, ten from the districts about the city, ten from the coast,
and ten from the interior. These he called trittyes; and he assigned
three of them by lot to each tribe, in such a way that each should
have one portion in each of these three localities. All who lived in
any given deme he declared fellow-demesmen, to the end that the new
citizens might not be exposed by the habitual use of family names, but
that men might be officially described by the names of their demes;
and accordingly it is by the names of their demes that the Athenians
speak of one another. He also instituted Demarchs, who had the same
duties as the previously existing Naucrari,-the demes being made to
take the place of the naucraries. He gave names to the demes, some
from the localities to which they belonged, some from the persons
who founded them, since some of the areas no longer corresponded to
localities possessing names. On the other hand he allowed every one to
retain his family and clan and religious rites according to
ancestral custom. The names given to the tribes were the ten which the
Pythia appointed out of the hundred selected national heroes.
22
By these reforms the constitution became much more democratic than
that of Solon. The laws of Solon had been obliterated by disuse during
the period of the tyranny, while Cleisthenes substituted new ones with
the object of securing the goodwill of the masses. Among these was the
law concerning ostracism. Four year after the establishment of this
system, in the archonship of Hermocreon, they first imposed upon the
Council of Five Hundred the oath which they take to the present day.
Next they began to elect the generals by tribes, one from each
tribe, while the Polemarch was the commander of the whole army.
Then, eleven years later, in the archonship of Phaenippus they won the
battle of Marathon; and two years after this victory, when the
people had now gained self-confidence, they for the first time made
use of the law of ostracism. This had originally been passed as a
precaution against men in high office, because Pisistratus took
advantage of his position as a popular leader and general to make
himself tyrant; and the first person ostracized was one of his
relatives, Hipparchus son of Charmus, of the deme of Collytus, the
very person on whose account especially Cleisthenes had enacted the
law, as he wished to get rid of him. Hitherto, however, he had
escaped; for the Athenians, with the usual leniency of the
democracy, allowed all the partisans of the tyrants, who had not
joined in their evil deeds in the time of the troubles to remain in
the city; and the chief and leader of these was Hipparchus. Then in
the very next year, in the archonship of Telesinus, they for the first
time since the tyranny elected, tribe by tribe, the nine Archons by
lot out of the five hundred candidates selected by the demes, all
the earlier ones having been elected by vote; and in the same year
Megacles son of Hippocrates, of the deme of Alopece, was ostracized.
Thus for three years they continued to ostracize the friends of the
tyrants, on whose account the law had been passed; but in the
following year they began to remove others as well, including any
one who seemed to be more powerful than was expedient. The first
person unconnected with the tyrants who was ostracized was
Xanthippus son of Ariphron. Two years later, in the archonship of
Nicodemus, the mines of Maroneia were discovered, and the state made a
profit of a hundred talents from the working of them. Some persons
advised the people to make a distribution of the money among
themselves, but this was prevented by Themistocles. He refused to
say on what he proposed to spend the money, but he bade them lend it
to the hundred richest men in Athens, one talent to each, and then, if
the manner in which it was employed pleased the people, the
expenditure should be charged to the state, but otherwise the state
should receive the sum back from those to whom it was lent. On these
terms he received the money and with it he had a hundred triremes
built, each of the hundred individuals building one; and it was with
these ships that they fought the battle of Salamis against the
barbarians. About this time Aristides the son of Lysimachus was
ostracized. Three years later, however, in the archonship of
Hypsichides, all the ostracized persons were recalled, on account of
the advance of the army of Xerxes; and it was laid down for the future
that persons under sentence of ostracism must live between Geraestus
and Scyllaeum, on pain of losing their civic rights irrevocably.
23
So far, then, had the city progressed by this time, growing
gradually with the growth of the democracy; but after the Persian wars
the Council of Areopagus once more developed strength and assumed
the control of the state. It did not acquire this supremacy by
virtue of any formal decree, but because it had been the cause of
the battle of Salamis being fought. When the generals were utterly
at a loss how to meet the crisis and made proclamation that every
one should see to his own safety, the Areopagus provided a donation of
money, distributing eight drachmas to each member of the ships' crews,
and so prevailed on them to go on board. On these grounds people bowed
to its prestige; and during this period Athens was well
administered. At this time they devoted themselves to the
prosecution of the war and were in high repute among the Greeks, so
that the command by sea was conferred upon them, in spite of the
opposition of the Lacedaemonians. The leaders of the people during
this period were Aristides, of Lysimachus, and Themistocles, son of
Lysimachus, and Themistocles, son of Neocles, of whom the latter
appeared to devote himself to the conduct of war, while the former had
the reputation of being a clever statesman and the most upright man of
his time. Accordingly the one was usually employed as general, the
other as political adviser. The rebuilding of the fortifications
they conducted in combination, although they were political opponents;
but it was Aristides who, seizing the opportunity afforded by the
discredit brought upon the Lacedaemonians by Pausanias, guided the
public policy in the matter of the defection of the Ionian states from
the alliance with Sparta. It follows that it was he who made the first
assessment of tribute from the various allied states, two years
after the battle of Salamis, in the archonship of Timosthenes; and
it was he who took the oath of offensive and defensive alliance with
the Ionians, on which occasion they cast the masses of iron into the
sea.
24
After this, seeing the state growing in confidence and much wealth
accumulated, he advised the people to lay hold of the leadership of
the league, and to quit the country districts and settle in the
city. He pointed out to them that all would be able to gain a living
there, some by service in the army, others in the garrisons, others by
taking a part in public affairs; and in this way they would secure the
leadership. This advice was taken; and when the people had assumed the
supreme control they proceeded to treat their allies in a more
imperious fashion, with the exception of the Chians, Lesbians, and
Samians. These they maintained to protect their empire, leaving
their constitutions untouched, and allowing them to retain whatever
dominion they then possessed. They also secured an ample maintenance
for the mass of the population in the way which Aristides had
pointed out to them. Out of the proceeds of the tributes and the taxes
and the contributions of the allies more than twenty thousand
persons were maintained. There were 6,000 jurymen, 1,600 bowmen, 1,200
Knights, 500 members of the Council, 500 guards of the dockyards,
besides fifty guards in the Acropolis. There were some 700 magistrates
at home, and some 700 abroad. Further, when they subsequently went
to war, there were in addition 2,500 heavy-armed troops, twenty
guard-ships, and other ships which collected the tributes, with
crews amounting to 2,000 men, selected by lot; and besides these there
were the persons maintained at the Prytaneum, and orphans, and
gaolers, since all these were supported by the state.
25
Such was the way in which the people earned their livelihood. The
supremacy of the Areopagus lasted for about seventeen years after
the Persian wars, although gradually declining. But as the strength of
the masses increased, Ephialtes, son of Sophonides, a man with a
reputation for incorruptibility and public virtue, who had become
the leader of the people, made an attack upon that Council. First of
all he ruined many of its members by bringing actions against them
with reference to their administration. Then, in the archonship of
Conon, he stripped the Council of all the acquired prerogatives from
which it derived its guardianship of the constitution, and assigned
some of them to the Council of Five Hundred, and others to the
Assembly and the law-courts. In this revolution he was assisted by
Themistocles, who was himself a member of the Areopagus, but was
expecting to be tried before it on a charge of treasonable dealings
with Persia. This made him anxious that it should be overthrown, and
accordingly he warned Ephialtes that the Council intended to arrest
him, while at the same time he informed the Areopagites that he
would reveal to them certain persons who were conspiring to subvert
the constitution. He then conducted the representatives delegated by
the Council to the residence of Ephialtes, promising to show them
the conspirators who assembled there, and proceeded to converse with
them in an earnest manner. Ephialtes, seeing this, was seized with
alarm and took refuge in suppliant guise at the altar. Every one was
astounded at the occurrence, and presently, when the Council of Five
Hundred met, Ephialtes and Themistocles together proceeded to denounce
the Areopagus to them. This they repeated in similar fashion in the
Assembly, until they succeeded in depriving it of its power. Not
long afterwards, however, Ephialtes was assassinated by Aristodicus of
Tanagra. In this way was the Council of Areopagus deprived of its
guardianship of the state.
26
After this revolution the administration of the state became more
and more lax, in consequence of the eager rivalry of candidates for
popular favour. During this period the moderate party, as it happened,
had no real chief, their leader being Cimon son of Miltiades, who
was a comparatively young man, and had been late in entering public
life; and at the same time the general populace suffered great
losses by war. The soldiers for active service were selected at that
time from the roll of citizens, and as the generals were men of no
military experience, who owed their position solely to their family
standing, it continually happened that some two or three thousand of
the troops perished on an expedition; and in this way the best men
alike of the lower and the upper classes were exhausted.
Consequently in most matters of administration less heed was paid to
the laws than had formerly been the case. No alteration, however,
was made in the method of election of the nine Archons, except that
five years after the death of Ephialtes it was decided that the
candidates to be submitted to the lot for that office might be
selected from the Zeugitae as well as from the higher classes. The
first Archon from that class was Mnesitheides. Up to this time all the
Archons had been taken from the Pentacosiomedimni and Knights, while
the Zeugitae were confined to the ordinary magistracies, save where an
evasion of the law was overlooked. Four years later, in the archonship
of Lysicrates, thirty 'local justices', as they as they were called,
were re-established; and two years afterwards, in the archonship of
Antidotus, consequence of the great increase in the number of
citizens, it was resolved, on the motion of Pericles, that no one
should admitted to the franchise who was not of citizen birth by
both parents.
27
After this Pericles came forward as popular leader, having first
distinguished himself while still a young man by prosecuting Cimon
on the audit of his official accounts as general. Under his auspices
the constitution became still more democratic. He took away some of
the privileges of the Areopagus, and, above all, he turned the
policy of the state in the direction of sea power, which caused the
masses to acquire confidence in themselves and consequently to take
the conduct of affairs more and more into their own hands. Moreover,
forty-eight years after the battle of Salamis, in the archonship of
Pythodorus, the Peloponnesian war broke out, during which the populace
was shut up in the city and became accustomed to gain its livelihood
by military service, and so, partly voluntarily and partly
involuntarily, determined to assume the administration of the state
itself. Pericles was also the first to institute pay for service in
the law-courts, as a bid for popular favour to counterbalance the
wealth of Cimon. The latter, having private possessions on a regal
scale, not only performed the regular public services magnificently,
but also maintained a large number of his fellow-demesmen. Any
member of the deme of Laciadae could go every day to Cimon's house and
there receive a reasonable provision; while his estate was guarded
by no fences, so that any one who liked might help himself to the
fruit from it. Pericles' private property was quite unequal to this
magnificence and accordingly he took the advice of Damonides of Oia
(who was commonly supposed to be the person who prompted Pericles in
most of his measures, and was therefore subsequently ostracized),
which was that, as he was beaten in the matter of private possessions,
he should make gifts to the people from their own property; and
accordingly he instituted pay for the members of the juries. Some
critics accuse him of thereby causing a deterioration in the character
of the juries, since it was always the common people who put
themselves forward for selection as jurors, rather than the men of
better position. Moreover, bribery came into existence after this, the
first person to introduce it being Anytus, after his command at Pylos.
He was prosecuted by certain individuals on account of his loss of
Pylos, but escaped by bribing the jury.
28
So long, however, as Pericles was leader of the people, things
went tolerably well with the state; but when he was dead there was a
great change for the worse. Then for the first time did the people
choose a leader who was of no reputation among men of good standing,
whereas up to this time such men had always been found as leaders of
the democracy. The first leader of the people, in the very beginning
of things, was Solon, and the second was Pisistratus, both of them men
of birth and position. After the overthrow of the tyrants there was
Cleisthenes, a member of the house of the Alcmeonidae; and he had no
rival opposed to him after the expulsion of the party of Isagoras.
After this Xanthippus was the leader of the people, and Miltiades of
the upper class. Then came Themistocles and Aristides, and after
them Ephialtes as leader of the people, and Cimon son of Miltiades
of the wealthier class. Pericles followed as leader of the people, and
Thucydides, who was connected by marriage with Cimon, of the
opposition. After the death of Pericles, Nicias, who subsequently fell
in Sicily, appeared as leader of the aristocracy, and Cleon son of
Cleaenetus of the people. The latter seems, more than any one else, to
have been the cause of the corruption of the democracy by his wild
undertakings; and he was the first to use unseemly shouting and coarse
abuse on the Bema, and to harangue the people with his cloak girt up
short about him, whereas all his predecessors had spoken decently
and in order. These were succeeded by Theramenes son of Hagnon as
leader of the one party, and the lyre-maker Cleophon of the people. It
was Cleophon who first granted the twoobol donation for the theatrical
performances, and for some time it continued to be given; but then
Callicrates of Paeania ousted him by promising to add a third obol
to the sum. Both of these persons were subsequently condemned to
death; for the people, even if they are deceived for a time, in the
end generally come to detest those who have beguiled them into any
unworthy action. After Cleophon the popular leadership was occupied
successively by the men who chose to talk the biggest and pander the
most to the tastes of the majority, with their eyes fixed only on
the interests of the moment. The best statesmen at Athens, after those
of early times, seem to have been Nicias, Thucydides, and
Theramenes. As to Nicias and Thucydides, nearly every one agrees
that they were not merely men of birth and character, but also
statesmen, and that they ruled the state with paternal care. On the
merits of Theramenes opinion is divided, because it so happened that
in his time public affairs were in a very stormy state. But those
who give their opinion deliberately find him, not, as his critics
falsely assert, overthrowing every kind of constitution, but
supporting every kind so long as it did not transgress laws; thus
showing that he was able, as every good citizen should be, to live
under any form of constitution, while he refused to countenance
illegality and was its constant enemy.
29
So long as the fortune of the war continued even, the Athenians
preserved the democracy; but after the disaster in Sicily, when the
Lacedaemonians had gained the upper hand through their alliance with
the king of Persia, they were compelled to abolish the democracy and
establish in its place the constitution of the Four Hundred. The
speech recommending this course before the vote was made by
Melobius, and the motion was proposed by Pythodorus of Anaphlystus;
but the real argument which persuaded the majority was the belief that
the king of Persia was more likely to form an alliance with them if
the constitution were on an oligarchical basis. The motion of
Pythodorus was to the following effect. The popular Assembly was to
elect twenty persons, over forty years of age, who, in conjunction
with the existing ten members of the Committee of Public Safety, after
taking an oath that they would frame such measures as they thought
best for the state, should then prepare proposals for the public.
safety. In addition, any other person might make proposals, so that of
all the schemes before them the people might choose the best.
Cleitophon concurred with the motion of Pythodorus, but moved that the
committee should also investigate the ancient laws enacted by
Cleisthenes when he created the democracy, in order that they might
have these too before them and so be in a position to decide wisely;
his suggestion being that the constitution of Cleisthenes was not
really democratic, but closely akin to that of Solon. When the
committee was elected, their first proposal was that the Prytanes
should be compelled to put to the vote any motion that was offered
on behalf of the public safety. Next they abolished all indictments
for illegal proposals, all impeachments and pubic prosecutions, in
order that every Athenian should be free to give his counsel on the
situation, if he chose; and they decreed that if any person imposed
a fine on any other for his acts in this respect, or prosecuted him or
summoned him before the courts, he should, on an information being
laid against him, be summarily arrested and brought before the
generals, who should deliver him to the Eleven to be put to death.
After these preliminary measures, they drew up the constitution in the
following manner. The revenues of the state were not to be spent on
any purpose except the war. All magistrates should serve without
remuneration for the period of the war, except the nine Archons and
the Prytanes for the time being, who should each receive three obols a
day. The whole of the rest of the administration was to be
committed, for the period of the war, to those Athenians who were most
capable of serving the state personally or pecuniarily, to the
number of not less than five thousand. This body was to have full
powers, to the extent even of making treaties with whomsoever they
willed; and ten representatives, over forty years of age, were to be
elected from each tribe to draw up the list of the Five Thousand,
after taking an oath on a full and perfect sacrifice.
30
These were the recommendations of the committee; and when they had
been ratified the Five Thousand elected from their own number a
hundred commissioners to draw up the constitution. They, on their
appointment, drew up and produced the following recommendations. There
should be a Council, holding office for a year, consisting of men over
thirty years of age, serving without pay. To this body should belong
the Generals, the nine Archons, the Amphictyonic Registrar
(Hieromnemon), the Taxiarchs, the Hipparchs, the Phylarch, the
commanders of garrisons, the Treasurers of Athena and the other
gods, ten in number, the Hellenic Treasurers (Hellenotamiae), the
Treasurers of the other non-sacred moneys, to the number of twenty,
the ten Commissioners of Sacrifices (Hieropoei), and the ten
Superintendents of the mysteries. All these were to be appointed by
the Council from a larger number of selected candidates, chosen from
its members for the time being. The other offices were all to be
filled by lot, and not from the members of the Council. The Hellenic
Treasurers who actually administered the funds should not sit with the
Council. As regards the future, four Councils were to be created, of
men of the age already mentioned, and one of these was to be chosen by
lot to take office at once, while the others were to receive it in
turn, in the order decided by the lot. For this purpose the hundred
commissioners were to distribute themselves and all the rest as
equally as possible into four parts, and cast lots for precedence, and
the selected body should hold office for a year. They were to
administer that office as seemed to them best, both with reference
to the safe custody and due expenditure of the finances, and generally
with regard to all other matters to the best of their ability. If they
desired to take a larger number of persons into counsel, each member
might call in one assistant of his own choice, subject to the same
qualification of age. The Council was to sit once every five days,
unless there was any special need for more frequent sittings. The
casting of the lot for the Council was to be held by the nine Archons;
votes on divisions were to be counted by five tellers chosen by lot
from the members of the Council, and of these one was to be selected
by lot every day to act as president. These five persons were to
cast lots for precedence between the parties wishing to appear
before the Council, giving the first place to sacred matters, the
second to heralds, the third to embassies, and the fourth to all other
subjects; but matters concerning the war might be dealt with, on the
motion of the generals, whenever there was need, without balloting.
Any member of the Council who did not enter the Council-house at the
time named should be fined a drachma for each day, unless he was
away on leave of absence from the Council.
31
Such was the constitution which they drew up for the time to come,
but for the immediate present they devised the following scheme. There
should be a Council of Four Hundred, as in the ancient constitution,
forty from each tribe, chosen out of candidates of more than thirty
years of age, selected by the members of the tribes. This Council
should appoint the magistrates and draw up the form of oath which they
were to take; and in all that concerned the laws, in the examination
of official accounts, and in other matters generally, they might act
according to their discretion. They must, however, observe the laws
that might be enacted with reference to the constitution of the state,
and had no power to alter them nor to pass others. The generals should
be provisionally elected from the whole body of the Five Thousand, but
so soon as the Council came into existence it was to hold an
examination of military equipments, and thereon elect ten persons,
together with a secretary, and the persons thus elected should hold
office during the coming year with full powers, and should have the
right, whenever they desired it, of joining in the deliberations of
the Council. The Five thousand was also to elect a single Hipparch and
ten Phylarchs; but for the future the Council was to elect these
officers according to the regulations above laid down. No office,
except those of member of the Council and of general, might be held
more than once, either by the first occupants or by their
successors. With reference to the future distribution of the Four
Hundred into the four successive sections, the hundred commissioners
must divide them whenever the time comes for the citizens to join in
the Council along with the rest.
32
The hundred commissioners appointed by the Five Thousand drew up the
constitution as just stated; and after it had been ratified by the
people, under the presidency of Aristomachus, the existing Council,
that of the year of Callias, was dissolved before it had completed its
term of office. It was dissolved on the fourteenth day of the month
Thargelion, and the Four Hundred entered into office on the
twenty-first; whereas the regular Council, elected by lot, ought to
have entered into office on the fourteenth of Scirophorion. Thus was
the oligarchy established, in the archonship of Callias, just about
a hundred years after the expulsion of the tyrants. The chief
promoters of the revolution were Pisander, Antiphon, and Theramenes,
all of them men of good birth and with high reputations for ability
and judgement. When, however, this constitution had been
established, the Five Thousand were only nominally selected, and the
Four Hundred, together with the ten officers on whom full powers had
been conferred, occupied the Council-house and really administered the
government. They began by sending ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians
proposing a cessation of the war on the basis of the existing
Position; but as the Lacedaemonians refused to listen to them unless
they would also abandon the command of the sea, they broke off the
negotiations.
33
For about four months the constitution of the Four Hundred lasted,
and Mnasilochus held office as Archon of their nomination for two
months of the year of Theopompus, who was Archon for the remaining
ten. On the loss of the naval battle of Eretria, however, and the
revolt of the whole of Euboea except Oreum, the indignation of the
people was greater than at any of the earlier disasters, since they
drew far more supplies at this time from Euboea than from Attica
itself. Accordingly they deposed the Four Hundred and committed the
management of affairs to the Five Thousand, consisting of persons
Possessing a military equipment. At the same time they voted that
pay should not be given for any public office. The persons chiefly
responsible for the revolution were Aristocrates and Theramenes, who
disapproved of the action of the Four Hundred in retaining the
direction of affairs entirely in their own hands, and referring
nothing to the Five Thousand. During this period the constitution of
the state seems to have been admirable, since it was a time of war and
the franchise was in the hands of those who possessed a military
equipment.
34
The people, however, in a very short time deprived the Five Thousand
of their monopoly of the government. Then, six years after the
overthrow of the Four Hundred, in the archonship of Callias of Angele,
battle of Arginusae took place, of which the results were, first, that
the ten generals who had gained the victory were all condemned by a
single decision, owing to the people being led astray by persons who
aroused their indignation; though, as a matter of fact, some of the
generals had actually taken no part in the battle, and others were
themselves picked up by other vessels. Secondly, when the
Lacedaemonians proposed to evacuate Decelea and make peace on the
basis of the existing position, although some of the Athenians
supported this proposal, the majority refused to listen to them. In
this they were led astray by Cleophon, who appeared in the Assembly
drunk and wearing his breastplate, and prevented peace being made,
declaring that he would never accept peace unless the Lacedaemonians
abandoned their claims on all the cities allied with them. They
mismanaged their opportunity then, and in a very short time they
learnt their mistake. The next year, in the archonship of Alexias,
they suffered the disaster of Aegospotami, the consequence of which
was that Lysander became master of the city, and set up the Thirty
as its governors. He did so in the following manner. One of the
terms of peace stipulated that the state should be governed
according to 'the ancient constitution'. Accordingly the popular party
tried to preserve the democracy, while that part of the upper class
which belonged to the political clubs, together with the exiles who
had returned since the peace, aimed at an oligarchy, and those who
were not members of any club, though in other respects they considered
themselves as good as any other citizens, were anxious to restore
the ancient constitution. The latter class included Archinus,
Anytus, Cleitophon, Phormisius, and many others, but their most
prominent leader was Theramenes. Lysander, however, threw his
influence on the side of the oligarchical party, and the popular
Assembly was compelled by sheer intimidation to pass a vote
establishing the oligarchy. The motion to this effect was proposed
by Dracontides of Aphidna.
35
In this way were the Thirty established in power, in the
archonship of Pythodorus. As soon, however, as they were masters of
the city, they ignored all the resolutions which had been passed
relating to the organization of the constitution, but after appointing
a Council of Five Hundred and the other magistrates out of a
thousand selected candidates, and associating with themselves ten
Archons in Piraeus, eleven superintendents of the prison, and three
hundred 'lash-bearers' as attendants, with the help of these they kept
the city under their own control. At first, indeed, they behaved
with moderation towards the citizens and pretended to administer the
state according to the ancient constitution. In pursuance of this
policy they took down from the hill of Areopagus the laws of Ephialtes
and Archestratus relating to the Areopagite Council; they also
repealed such of the statutes of Solon as were obscure, and
abolished the supreme power of the law-courts. In this they claimed to
be restoring the constitution and freeing it from obscurities; as, for
instance, by making the testator free once for all to leave his
property as he pleased, and abolishing the existing limitations in
cases of insanity, old age, and undue female influence, in order
that no opening might be left for professional accusers. In other
matters also their conduct was similar. At first, then, they acted
on these lines, and they destroyed the professional accusers and those
mischievous and evil-minded persons who, to the great detriment of the
democracy, had attached themselves to it in order to curry favour with
it. With all of this the city was much pleased, and thought that the
Thirty were doing it with the best of motives. But so soon as they had
got a firmer hold on the city, they spared no class of citizens, but
put to death any persons who were eminent for wealth or birth or
character. Herein they aimed at removing all whom they had reason to
fear, while they also wished to lay hands on their possessions; and in
a short time they put to death not less than fifteen hundred persons.
36
Theramenes, however, seeing the city thus falling into ruin, was
displeased with their proceedings, and counselled them to cease such
unprincipled conduct and let the better classes have a share in the
government. At first they resisted his advice, but when his
proposals came to be known abroad, and the masses began to associate
themselves with him, they were seized with alarm lest he should make
himself the leader of the people and destroy their despotic power.
Accordingly they drew up a list of three thousand citizens, to whom
they announced that they would give a share in the constitution.
Theramenes, however, criticized this scheme also, first on the
ground that, while proposing to give all respectable citizens a
share in the constitution, they were actually giving it only to
three thousand persons, as though all merit were confined within
that number; and secondly because they were doing two inconsistent
things, since they made the government rest on the basis of force, and
yet made the governors inferior in strength to the governed.
However, they took no notice of his criticisms, and for a long time
put off the publication of the list of the Three Thousand and kept
to themselves the names of those who had been placed upon it; and
every time they did decide to publish it they proceeded to strike
out some of those who had been included in it, and insert others who
had been omitted.
37
Now when winter had set in, Thrasybulus and the exiles occupied
Phyle, and the force which the Thirty led out to attack them met
with a reverse. Thereupon the Thirty decided to disarm the bulk of the
population and to get rid of Theramenes; which they did in the
following way. They introduced two laws into the Council, which they
commanded it to pass; the first of them gave the Thirty absolute power
to put to death any citizen who was not included in the list of the
Three Thousand, while the second disqualified all persons from
participation in the franchise who should have assisted in the
demolition of the fort of Eetioneia, or have acted in any way
against the Four Hundred who had organized the previous oligarchy.
Theramenes had done both, and accordingly, when these laws were
ratified, he became excluded from the franchise and the Thirty had
full power to put him to death. Theramenes having been thus removed,
they disarmed all the people except the Three Thousand, and in every
respect showed a great advance in cruelty and crime. They also sent
ambassadors to Lacedaemonian to blacken the character of Theramenes
and to ask for help; and the Lacedaemonians, in answer to their
appeal, sent Callibius as military governor with about seven hundred
troops, who came and occupied the Acropolis.
38
These events were followed by the occupation of Munichia by the
exiles from Phyle, and their victory over the Thirty and their
partisans. After the fight the party of the city retreated, and next
day they held a meeting in the marketplace and deposed the Thirty, and
elected ten citizens with full powers to bring the war to a
termination. When, however, the Ten had taken over the government they
did nothing towards the object for which they were elected, but sent
envoys to Lacedaemonian to ask for help and to borrow money.
Further, finding that the citizens who possessed the franchise were
displeased at their proceedings, they were afraid lest they should
be deposed, and consequently, in order to strike terror into them
(in which design they succeeded), they arrested Demaretus, one of
the most eminent citizens, and put him to death. This gave them a firm
hold on the government, and they also had the support of Callibius and
his Peloponnesians, together with several of the Knights; for some
of the members of this class were the most zealous among the
citizens to prevent the return of the exiles from Phyle. When,
however, the party in Piraeus and Munichia began to gain the upper
hand in the war, through the defection of the whole populace to
them, the party in the city deposed the original Ten, and elected
another Ten, consisting of men of the highest repute. Under their
administration, and with their active and zealous cooperation, the
treaty of reconciliation was made and the populace returned to the
city. The most prominent members of this board were Rhinon of
Paeania and Phayllus of Acherdus, who, even before the arrival of
Pausanias, opened negotiations with the party in Piraeus, and after
his arrival seconded his efforts to bring about the return of the
exiles. For it was Pausanias, the king of the Lacedaemonians, who
brought the peace and reconciliation to a fulfillment, in
conjunction with the ten commissioners of arbitration who arrived
later from Lacedaemonian, at his own earnest request. Rhinon and his
colleagues received a vote of thanks for the goodwill shown by them to
the people, and though they received their charge under an oligarchy
and handed in their accounts under a democracy, no one, either of
the party that had stayed in the city or of the exiles that had
returned from the Piraeus, brought any complaint against them. On
the contrary, Rhinon was immediately elected general on account of his
conduct in this office.
39
This reconciliation was effected in the archonship of Eucleides,
on the following terms. All persons who, having remained in the city
during the troubles, were now anxious to leave it, were to be free
to settle at Eleusis, retaining their civil rights and possessing full
and independent powers of self-government, and with the free enjoyment
of their own personal property. The temple at Eleusis should be common
ground for both parties, and should be under the superintendence of
the Ceryces, and the Eumolpidae, according to primitive custom. The
settlers at Eleusis should not be allowed to enter Athens, nor the
people of Athens to enter Eleusis, except at the season of the
mysteries, when both parties should be free from these restrictions.
The secessionists should pay their share to the fund for the common
defence out of their revenues, just like all the other Athenians. If
any of the seceding party wished to take a house in Eleusis, the
people would help them to obtain the consent of the owner; but if they
could not come to terms, they should appoint three valuers on either
side, and the owner should receive whatever price they should appoint.
Of the inhabitants of Eleusis, those whom the secessionists wished
to remain should be allowed to do so. The list of those who desired to
secede should be made up within ten days after the taking of the oaths
in the case of persons already in the country, and their actual
departure should take place within twenty days; persons at present out
of the country should have the same terms allowed to them after
their return. No one who settled at Eleusis should be capable of
holding any office in Athens until he should again register himself on
the roll as a resident in the city. Trials for homicide, including all
cases in which one party had either killed or wounded another,
should be conducted according to ancestral practice. There should be a
general amnesty concerning past events towards all persons except
the Thirty, the Ten, the Eleven, and the magistrates in Piraeus; and
these too should be included if they should submit their accounts in
the usual way. Such accounts should be given by the magistrates in
Piraeus before a court of citizens rated in Piraeus, and by the
magistrates in the city before a court of those rated in the city.
On these terms those who wished to do so might secede. Each party
was to repay separately the money which it had borrowed for the war.
40
When the reconciliation had taken place on these terms, those who
had fought on the side of the Thirty felt considerable
apprehensions, and a large number intended to secede. But as they
put off entering their names till the last moment, as people will
do, Archinus, observing their numbers, and being anxious to retain
them as citizens, cut off the remaining days during which the list
should have remained open; and in this way many persons were compelled
to remain, though they did so very unwillingly until they recovered
confidence. This is one point in which Archinus appears to have
acted in a most statesmanlike manner, and another was his subsequent
prosecution of Thrasybulus on the charge of illegality, for a motion
by which he proposed to confer the franchise on all who had taken part
in the return from Piraeus, although some of them were notoriously
slaves. And yet a third such action was when one of the returned
exiles began to violate the amnesty, whereupon Archinus haled him to
the Council and persuaded them to execute him without trial, telling
them that now they would have to show whether they wished to
preserve the democracy and abide by the oaths they had taken; for if
they let this man escape they would encourage others to imitate him,
while if they executed him they would make an example for all to learn
by. And this was exactly what happened; for after this man had been
put to death no one ever again broke the amnesty. On the contrary, the
Athenians seem, both in public and in private, to have behaved in
the most unprecedentedly admirable and public-spirited way with
reference to the preceding troubles. Not only did they blot out all
memory of former offences, but they even repaid to the
Lacedaemonians out of the public purse the money which the Thirty
had borrowed for the war, although the treaty required each party, the
party of the city and the party of Piraeus, to pay its own debts
separately. This they did because they thought it was a necessary
first step in the direction of restoring harmony; but in other states,
so far from the democratic parties making advances from their own
possessions, they are rather in the habit of making a general
redistribution of the land. A final reconciliation was made with the
secessionists at Eleusis two years after the secession, in the
archonship of Xenaenetus.
41
This, however, took place at a later date; at the time of which we
are speaking the people, having secured the control of the state,
established the constitution which exists at the present day.
Pythodorus was Archon at the time, but the democracy seems to have
assumed the supreme power with perfect justice, since it had
effected its own return by its own exertions. This was the eleventh
change which had taken place in the constitution of Athens. The
first modification of the primaeval condition of things was when Ion
and his companions brought the people together into a community, for
then the people was first divided into the four tribes, and the
tribe-kings were created. Next, and first after this, having now
some semblance of a constitution, was that which took place in the
reign of Theseus, consisting in a slight deviation from absolute
monarchy. After this came the constitution formed under Draco, when
the first code of laws was drawn up. The third was that which followed
the civil war, in the time of Solon; from this the democracy took
its rise. The fourth was the tyranny of Pisistratus; the fifth the
constitution of Cleisthenes, after the overthrow of the tyrants, of
a more democratic character than that of Solon. The sixth was that
which followed on the Persian wars, when the Council of Areopagus
had the direction of the state. The seventh, succeeding this, was
the constitution which Aristides sketched out, and which Ephialtes
brought to completion by overthrowing the Areopagite Council; under
this the nation, misled by the demagogues, made the most serious
mistakes in the interest of its maritime empire. The eighth was the
establishment of the Four Hundred, followed by the ninth, the restored
democracy. The tenth was the tyranny of the Thirty and the Ten. The
eleventh was that which followed the return from Phyle and Piraeus;
and this has continued from that day to this, with continual
accretions of power to the masses. The democracy has made itself
master of everything and administers everything by its votes in the
Assembly and by the law-courts, in which it holds the supreme power.
Even the jurisdiction of the Council has passed into the hands of
the people at large; and this appears to be a judicious change,
since small bodies are more open to corruption, whether by actual
money or influence, than large ones. At first they refused to allow
payment for attendance at the Assembly; but the result was that people
did not attend. Consequently, after the Prytanes had tried many
devices in vain in order to induce the populace to come and ratify the
votes, Agyrrhius, in the first instance, made a provision of one
obol a day, which Heracleides of Clazomenae, nicknamed 'the king',
increased to two obols, and Agyrrhius again to three.
42
The present state of the constitution is as follows. The franchise
is open to all who are of citizen birth by both parents. They are
enrolled among the demesmen at the age of eighteen. On the occasion of
their enrollment the demesmen give their votes on oath, first
whether the candidates appear to be of the age prescribed by the law
(if not, they are dismissed back into the ranks of the boys), and
secondly whether the candidate is free born and of such parentage as
the laws require. Then if they decide that he is not a free man, he
appeals to the law-courts, and the demesmen appoint five of their
own number to act as accusers; if the court decides that he has no
right to be enrolled, he is sold by the state as a slave, but if he
wins his case he has a right to be enrolled among the demesmen without
further question. After this the Council examines those who have
been enrolled, and if it comes to the conclusion that any of them is
less than eighteen years of age, it fines the demesmen who enrolled
him. When the youths (Ephebi) have passed this examination, their
fathers meet by their tribes, and appoint on oath three of their
fellow tribesmen, over forty years of age, who, in their opinion,
are the best and most suitable persons to have charge of the youths;
and of these the Assembly elects one from each tribe as guardian,
together with a director, chosen from the general body of Athenians,
to control the while. Under the charge of these persons the youths
first of all make the circuit of the temples; then they proceed to
Piraeus, and some of them garrison Munichia and some the south
shore. The Assembly also elects two trainers, with subordinate
instructors, who teach them to fight in heavy armour, to use the bow
and javelin, and to discharge a catapult. The guardians receive from
the state a drachma apiece for their keep, and the youths four obols
apiece. Each guardian receives the allowance for all the members of
his tribe and buys the necessary provisions for the common stock (they
mess together by tribes), and generally superintends everything. In
this way they spend the first year. The next year, after giving a
public display of their military evolutions, on the occasion when
the Assembly meets in the theatre, they receive a shield and spear
from the state; after which they patrol the country and spend their
time in the forts. For these two years they are on garrison duty,
and wear the military cloak, and during this time they are exempt from
all taxes. They also can neither bring an action at law, nor have
one brought against them, in order that they may have no excuse for
requiring leave of absence; though exception is made in cases of
actions concerning inheritances and wards of state, or of any
sacrificial ceremony connected with the family. When the two years
have elapsed they thereupon take their position among the other
citizens. Such is the manner of the enrollment of the citizens and the
training of the youths.
43
All the magistrates that are concerned with the ordinary routine
of administration are elected by lot, except the Military Treasurer,
the Commissioners of the Theoric fund, and the Superintendent of
Springs. These are elected by vote, and hold office from one
Panathenaic festival to the next. All military officers are also
elected by vote.
The Council of Five Hundred is elected by lot, fifty from each
tribe. Each tribe holds the office of Prytanes in turn, the order
being determined by lot; the first four serve for thirty-six days
each, the last six for thirty-five, since the reckoning is by lunar
years. The Prytanes for the time being, in the first place, mess
together in the Tholus, and receive a sum of money from the state
for their maintenance; and, secondly, they convene the meetings of the
Council and the Assembly. The Council they convene every day, unless
it is a holiday, the Assembly four times in each prytany. It is also
their duty to draw up the programme of the business of the Council and
to decide what subjects are to be dealt with on each particular da,
and where the sitting is to be held. They also draw up the programme
for the meetings of the Assembly. One of these in each prytany is
called the 'sovereign' Assembly; in this the people have to ratify the
continuance of the magistrates in office, if they are performing their
duties properly, and to consider the supply of corn and the defence of
the country. On this day, too, impeachments are introduced by those
who wish to do so, the lists of property confiscated by the state
are read, and also applications for inheritances and wards of state,
so that nothing may pass unclaimed without the cognizance of any
person concerned. In the sixth prytany, in addition to the business
already stated, the question is put to the vote whether it is
desirable to hold a vote of ostracism or not; and complaints against
professional accusers, whether Athenian or aliens domiciled in Athens,
are received, to the number of not more than three of either class,
together with cases in which an individual has made some promise to
the people and has not performed it. Another Assembly in each
prytany is assigned to the hearing of petitions, and at this meeting
any one is free, on depositing the petitioner's olive-branch, to speak
to the people concerning any matter, public or private. The two
remaining meetings are devoted to all other subjects, and the laws
require them to deal with three questions connected with religion,
three connected with heralds and embassies, and three on secular
subjects. Sometimes questions are brought forward without a
preliminary vote of the Assembly to take them into consideration.
Heralds and envoys appear first before the Prytanes, and the bearers
of dispatches also deliver them to the same officials.
44
There is a single President of the Prytanes, elected by lot, who
presides for a night and a day; he may not hold the office for more
than that time, nor may the same individual hold it twice. He keeps
the keys of the sanctuaries in which the treasures and public
records of the state are preserved, and also the public seal; and he
is bound to remain in the Tholus, together with one-third of the
Prytanes, named by himself. Whenever the Prytanes convene a meeting of
the Council or Assembly, he appoints by lot nine Proedri, one from
each tribe except that which holds the office of Prytanes for the time
being; and out of these nine he similarly appoints one as President,
and hands over the programme for the meeting to them. They take it and
see to the preservation of order, put forward the various subjects
which are to be considered, decide the results of the votings, and
direct the proceedings generally. They also have power to dismiss
the meeting. No one may act as President more than once in the year,
but he may be a Proedrus once in each prytany.
Elections to the offices of General and Hipparch and all other
military commands are held in the Assembly, in such manner as the
people decide; they are held after the sixth prytany by the first
board of Prytanes in whose term of office the omens are favourable.
There has, however, to be a preliminary consideration by the Council
in this case also.
45
In former times the Council had full powers to inflict fines and
imprisonment and death; but when it had consigned Lysimachus to the
executioner, and he was sitting in the immediate expectation of death,
Eumelides of Alopece rescued him from its hands, maintaining that no
citizen ought to be put to death except on the decision of a court
of law. Accordingly a trial was held in a law-court, and Lysimachus
was acquitted, receiving henceforth the nickname of 'the man from
the drum-head'; and the people deprived the Council thenceforward of
the power to inflict death or imprisonment or fine, passing a law that
if the Council condemn any person for an offence or inflict a fine,
the Thesmothetae shall bring the sentence or fine before the
law-court, and the decision of the jurors shall be the final judgement
in the matter.
The Council passes judgement on nearly all magistrates, especially
those who have the control of money; its judgement, however, is not
final, but is subject to an appeal to the lawcourts. Private
individuals, also, may lay an information against any magistrate
they please for not obeying the laws, but here too there is an
appeal to the law-courts if the Council declare the charge proved. The
Council also examines those who are to be its members for the
ensuing year, and likewise the nine Archons. Formerly the Council
had full power to reject candidates for office as unsuitable, but
now they have an appeal to the law-courts. In all these matters,
therefore, the Council has no final jurisdiction. It takes, however,
preliminary cognizance of all matters brought before the Assembly, and
the Assembly cannot vote on any question unless it has first been
considered by the Council and placed on the programme by the Prytanes;
since a person who carries a motion in the Assembly is liable to an
action for illegal proposal on these grounds.
46
The Council also superintends the triremes that are already in
existence, with their tackle and sheds, and builds new triremes or
quadriremes, whichever the Assembly votes, with tackle and sheds to
match. The Assembly appoints master-builders for the ships by vote;
and if they do not hand them over completed to the next Council, the
old Council cannot receive the customary donation-that being
normally given to it during its successor's term of office. For the
building of the triremes it appoints ten commissioners, chosen from
its own members. The Council also inspects all public buildings, and
if it is of opinion that the state is being defrauded, it reports
the culprit to the Assembly, and on condemnation hands him over to the
law-courts.
47
The Council also co-operates with other magistrates in most of their
duties. First there are the treasurers of Athena, ten in number,
elected by lot, one from each tribe. According to the law of
Solon-which is still in force-they must be Pentacosiomedimni, but in
point of fact the person on whom the lot falls holds the office even
though he be quite a poor man. These officers take over charge of
the statue of Athena, the figures of Victory, and all the other
ornaments of the temple, together with the money, in the presence of
the Council. Then there are the Commissioners for Public Contracts
(Poletae), ten in number, one chosen by lot from each tribe, who
farm out the public contracts. They lease the mines and taxes, in
conjunction with the Military Treasurer and the Commissioners of the
Theoric fund, in the presence of the Council, and grant, to the
persons indicated by the vote of the Council, the mines which are
let out by the state, including both the workable ones, which are
let for three years, and those which are let under special
agreements years. They also sell, in the presence of the Council,
the property of those who have gone into exile from the court of the
Areopagus, and of others whose goods have been confiscated, and the
nine Archons ratify the contracts. They also hand over to the
Council lists of the taxes which are farmed out for the year, entering
on whitened tablets the name of the lessee and the amount paid. They
make separate lists, first of those who have to pay their
instalments in each prytany, on ten several tablets, next of those who
pay thrice in the year, with a separate tablet for each instalment,
and finally of those who pay in the ninth prytany. They also draw up a
list of farms and dwellings which have been confiscated and sold by
order of the courts; for these too come within their province. In
the case of dwellings the value must be paid up in five years, and
in that of farms, in ten. The instalments are paid in the ninth
prytany. Further, the King-archon brings before the Council the leases
of the sacred enclosures, written on whitened tablets. These too are
leased for ten years, and the instalments are paid in the prytany;
consequently it is in this prytany that the greatest amount of money
is collected. The tablets containing the lists of the instalments
are carried into the Council, and the public clerk takes charge of
them. Whenever a payment of instalments is to be made he takes from
the pigeon-holes the precise list of the sums which are to be paid and
struck off on that day, and delivers it to the Receivers-General.
The rest are kept apart, in order that no sum may be struck off before
it is paid.
48
There are ten Receivers-General (Apodectae), elected by lot, one
from each tribe. These officers receive the tablets, and strike off
the instalments as they are paid, in the presence of the Council in
the Council-chamber, and give the tablets back to the public clerk. If
any one fails to pay his instalment, a note is made of it on the
tablet; and he is bound to pay double the amount of the deficiency,
or, in default, to be imprisoned. The Council has full power by the
laws to exact these payments and to inflict this imprisonment. They
receive all the instalments, therefore, on one day, and portion the
money out among the magistrates; and on the next day they bring up the
report of the apportionment, written on a wooden notice-board, and
read it out in the Council-chamber, after which they ask publicly in
the Council whether any one knows of any malpractice in reference to
the apportionment, on the part of either a magistrate or a private
individual, and if any one is charged with malpractice they take a
vote on it.
The Council also elects ten Auditors (Logistae) by lot from its
own members, to audit the accounts of the magistrates for each
prytany. They also elect one Examiner of Accounts (Euthunus) by lot
from each tribe, with two assessors (Paredri) for each examiner, whose
duty it is to sit at the ordinary market hours, each opposite the
statue of the eponymous hero of his tribe; and if any one wishes to
prefer a charge, on either public or private grounds, against any
magistrate who has passed his audit before the law-courts, within
three days of his having so passed, he enters on a whitened tablet his
own name and that of the magistrate prosecuted, together with the
malpractice that is alleged against him. He also appends his claim for
a penalty of such amount as seems to him fitting, and gives in the
record to the Examiner. The latter takes it, and if after reading it
he considers it proved he hands it over, if a private case, to the
local justices who introduce cases for the tribe concerned, while if
it is a public case he enters it on the register of the
Thesmothetae. Then, if the Thesmothetae accept it, they bring the
accounts of this magistrate once more before the law-court, and the
decision of the jury stands as the final judgement.
49
The Council also inspects the horses belonging to the state. If a
man who has a good horse is found to keep it in bad condition, he is
mulcted in his allowance of corn; while those which cannot keep up
or which shy and will not stand steady, it brands with a wheel on
the jaw, and the horse so marked is disqualified for service. It
also inspects those who appear to be fit for service as scouts, and
any one whom it rejects is deprived of his horse. It also examines the
infantry who serve among the cavalry, and any one whom it rejects
ceases to receive his pay. The roll of the cavalry is drawn up by
the Commissioners of Enrolment (Catalogeis), ten in number, elected by
the Assembly by open vote. They hand over to the Hipparchs and
Phylarchs the list of those whom they have enrolled, and these
officers take it and bring it up before the Council, and there open
the sealed tablet containing the names of the cavalry. If any of those
who have been on the roll previously make affidavit that they are
physically incapable of cavalry service, they strike them out; then
they call up the persons newly enrolled, and if any one makes
affidavit that he is either physically or pecuniarily incapable of
cavalry service they dismiss him, but if no such affidavit is made the
Council vote whether the individual in question is suitable for the
purpose or not. If they vote in the affirmative his name is entered on
the tablet; if not, he is dismissed with the others.
Formerly the Council used to decide on the plans for public
buildings and the contract for making the robe of Athena; but now this
work is done by a jury in the law-courts appointed by lot, since the
Council was considered to have shown favouritism in its decisions. The
Council also shares with the Military Treasurer the superintendence of
the manufacture of the images of Victory and the prizes at the
Panathenaic festival.
The Council also examines infirm paupers; for there is a law which
provides that persons possessing less than three minas, who are so
crippled as to be unable to do any work, are, after examination by the
Council, to receive two obols a day from the state for their
support. A treasurer is appointed by lot to attend to them.
The Council also, speaking broadly, cooperates in most of the duties
of all the other magistrates; and this ends the list of the
functions of that body.
50
There are ten Commissioners for Repairs of Temples, elected by
lot, who receive a sum of thirty minas from the Receivers-General, and
therewith carry out the most necessary repairs in the temples.
There are also ten City Commissioners (Astynomi), of whom five
hold office in Piraeus and five in the city. Their duty is to see that
female flute-and harp-and lute-players are not hired at more than
two drachmas, and if more than one person is anxious to hire the
same girl, they cast lots and hire her out to the person to whom the
lot falls. They also provide that no collector of sewage shall shoot
any of his sewage within ten stradia of the walls; they prevent people
from blocking up the streets by building, or stretching barriers
across them, or making drain-pipes in mid-air with a discharge into
the street, or having doors which open outwards; they also remove
the corpses of those who die in the streets, for which purpose they
have a body of state slaves assigned to them.
51
Market Commissioners (Agoranomi) are elected by lot, five for
Piraeus, five for the city. Their statutory duty is to see that all
articles offered for sale in the market are pure and unadulterated.
Commissioners of Weights and Measures (Metronomi) are elected by
lot, five for the city, and five for Piraeus. They see that sellers
use fair weights and measures.
Formerly there were ten Corn Commissioners (Sitophylaces), elected
by lot, five for Piraeus, and five for the city; but now there are
twenty for the city and fifteen for Piraeus. Their duties are,
first, to see that the unprepared corn in the market is offered for
sale at reasonable prices, and secondly, to see that the millers
sell barley meal at a price proportionate to that of barley, and
that the bakers sell their loaves at a price proportionate to that
of wheat, and of such weight as the Commissioners may appoint; for the
law requires them to fix the standard weight.
There are ten Superintendents of the Mart, elected by lot, whose
duty is to superintend the Mart, and to compel merchants to bring up
into the city two-thirds of the corn which is brought by sea to the
Corn Mart.
52
The Eleven also are appointed by lot to take care of the prisoners
in the state gaol. Thieves, kidnappers, and pickpockets are brought to
them, and if they plead guilty they are executed, but if they deny the
charge the Eleven bring the case before the law-courts; if the
prisoners are acquitted, they release them, but if not, they then
execute them. They also bring up before the law-courts the list of
farms and houses claimed as state-property; and if it is decided
that they are so, they deliver them to the Commissioners for Public
Contracts. The Eleven also bring up informations laid against
magistrates alleged to be disqualified; this function comes within
their province, but some such cases are brought up by the
Thesmothetae.
There are also five Introducers of Cases (Eisagogeis), elected by
lot, one for each pair of tribes, who bring up the 'monthly' cases
to the law-courts. 'Monthly' cases are these: refusal to pay up a
dowry where a party is bound to do so, refusal to pay interest on
money borrowed at 12 per cent., or where a man desirous of setting
up business in the market has borrowed from another man capital to
start with; also cases of slander, cases arising out of friendly loans
or partnerships, and cases concerned with slaves, cattle, and the
office of trierarch, or with banks. These are brought up as
'monthly' cases and are introduced by these officers; but the
Receivers-General perform the same function in cases for or against
the farmers of taxes. Those in which the sum concerned is not more
than ten drachmas they can decide summarily, but all above that amount
they bring into the law-courts as 'monthly' cases.
53
The Forty are also elected by lot, four from each tribe, before whom
suitors bring all other cases. Formerly they were thirty in number,
and they went on circuit through the demes to hear causes; but after
the oligarchy of the Thirty they were increased to forty. They have
full powers to decide cases in which the amount at issue does not
exceed ten drachmas, but anything beyond that value they hand over
to the Arbitrators. The Arbitrators take up the case, and, if they
cannot bring the parties to an agreement, they give a decision. If
their decision satisfies both parties, and they abide by it, the
case is at an end; but if either of the parties appeals to the
law-courts, the Arbitrators enclose the evidence, the pleadings, and
the laws quoted in the case in two urns, those of the plaintiff in the
one, and those of the defendant in the other. These they seal up
and, having attached to them the decision of the arbitrator, written
out on a tablet, place them in the custody of the four justices
whose function it is to introduce cases on behalf of the tribe of
the defendant. These officers take them and bring up the case before
the law-court, to a jury of two hundred and one members in cases up to
the value of a thousand drachmas, or to one of four hundred and one in
cases above that value. No laws or pleadings or evidence may be used
except those which were adduced before the Arbitrator, and have been
enclosed in the urns.
The Arbitrators are persons in the sixtieth year of their age;
this appears from the schedule of the Archons and the Eponymi. There
are two classes of Eponymi, the ten who give their names to the
tribes, and the forty-two of the years of service. The youths, on
being enrolled among the citizens, were formerly registered upon
whitened tablets, and the names were appended of the Archon in whose
year they were enrolled, and of the Eponymus who had been in course in
the preceding year; at the present day they are written on a bronze
pillar, which stands in front of the Council-chamber, near the Eponymi
of the tribes. Then the Forty take the last of the Eponymi of the
years of service, and assign the arbitrations to the persons belonging
to that year, casting lots to determine which arbitrations each
shall undertake; and every one is compelled to carry through the
arbitrations which the lot assigns to him. The law enacts that any one
who does not serve as Arbitrator when he has arrived at the
necessary age shall lose his civil rights, unless he happens to be
holding some other office during that year, or to be out of the
country. These are the only persons who escape the duty. Any one who
suffers injustice at the hands of the Arbitrator may appeal to the
whole board of Arbitrators, and if they find the magistrate guilty,
the law enacts that he shall lose his civil rights. The persons thus
condemned have, however, in their turn an appeal. The Eponymi are also
used in reference to military expeditions; when the men of military
age are despatched on service, a notice is put up stating that the men
from such-and such an Archon and Eponymus to such-and such another
Archon and Eponymus are to go on the expedition.
54
The following magistrates also are elected by lot: Five
Commissioners of Roads (Hodopoei), who, with an assigned body of
public slaves, are required to keep the roads in order: and ten
Auditors, with ten assistants, to whom all persons who have held any
office must give in their accounts. These are the only officers who
audit the accounts of those who are subject to examination, and who
bring them up for examination before the law-courts. If they detect
any magistrate in embezzlement, the jury condemn him for theft, and he
is obliged to repay tenfold the sum he is declared to have
misappropriated. If they charge a magistrate with accepting bribes and
the jury convict him, they fine him for corruption, and this sum too
is repaid tenfold. Or if they convict him of unfair dealing, he is
fined on that charge, and the sum assessed is paid without increase,
if payment is made before the ninth prytany, but otherwise it is
doubled. A tenfold fine is not doubled.
The Clerk of the prytany, as he is called, is also elected by lot.
He has the charge of all public documents, and keeps the resolutions
which are passed by the Assembly, and checks the transcripts of all
other official papers and attends at the sessions of the Council.
Formerly he was elected by open vote, and the most distinguished and
trustworthy persons were elected to the post, as is known from the
fact that the name of this officer is appended on the pillars
recording treaties of alliance and grants of consulship and
citizenship. Now, however, he is elected by lot. There is, in
addition, a Clerk of the Laws, elected by lot, who attends at the
sessions of the Council; and he too checks the transcript of all the
laws. The Assembly also elects by open vote a clerk to read
documents to it and to the Council; but he has no other duty except
that of reading aloud.
The Assembly also elects by lot the Commissioners of Public
Worship (Hieropoei) known as the Commissioners for Sacrifices, who
offer the sacrifices appointed by oracle, and, in conjunction with the
seers, take the auspices whenever there is occasion. It also elects by
lot ten others, known as Annual Commissioners, who offer certain
sacrifices and administer all the quadrennial festivals except the
Panathenaea. There are the following quadrennial festivals: first that
of Delos (where there is also a sexennial festival), secondly the
Brauronia, thirdly the Heracleia, fourthly the Eleusinia, and
fifthly the Panathenaea; and no two of these are celebrated in the
same place. To these the Hephaestia has now been added, in the
archonship of Cephisophon.
An Archon is also elected by lot for Salamis, and a Demarch for
Piraeus. These officers celebrate the Dionysia in these two places,
and appoint Choregi. In Salamis, moreover, the name of the Archon is
publicly recorded.
55
All the foregoing magistrates are elected by lot, and their powers
are those which have been stated. To pass on to the nine Archons, as
they are called, the manner of their appointment from the earliest
times has been described already. At the present day six
Thesmothetae are elected by lot, together with their clerk, and in
addition to these an Archon, a King, and a Polemarch. One is elected
from each tribe. They are examined first of all by the Council of Five
Hundred, with the exception of the clerk. The latter is examined
only in the lawcourt, like other magistrates (for all magistrates,
whether elected by lot or by open vote, are examined before entering
on their offices); but the nine Archons are examined both in the
Council and again in the law-court. Formerly no one could hold the
office if the Council rejected him, but now there is an appeal to
the law-court, which is the final authority in the matter of the
examination. When they are examined, they are asked, first, 'Who is
your father, and of what deme? who is your father's father? who is
your mother? who is your mother's father, and of what deme?' Then
the candidate is asked whether he possesses an ancestral Apollo and
a household Zeus, and where their sanctuaries are; next if he
possesses a family tomb, and where; then if he treats his parents
well, and pays his taxes, and has served on the required military
expeditions. When the examiner has put these questions, he proceeds,
'Call the witnesses to these facts'; and when the candidate has
produced his witnesses, he next asks, 'Does any one wish to make any
accusation against this man?' If an accuser appears, he gives the
parties an opportunity of making their accusation and defence, and
then puts it to the Council to pass the candidate or not, and to the
law-court to give the final vote. If no one wishes to make an
accusation, he proceeds at once to the vote. Formerly a single
individual gave the vote, but now all the members are obliged to
vote on the candidates, so that if any unprincipled candidate has
managed to get rid of his accusers, it may still be possible for him
to be disqualified before the law-court. When the examination has been
thus completed, they proceed to the stone on which are the pieces of
the victims, and on which the Arbitrators take oath before declaring
their decisions, and witnesses swear to their testimony. On this stone
the Archons stand, and swear to execute their office uprightly and
according to the laws, and not to receive presents in respect of the
performance of their duties, or, if they do, to dedicate a golden
statue. When they have taken this oath they proceed to the
Acropolis, and there they repeat it; after this they enter upon
their office.
56
The Archon, the King, and the Polemarch have each two assessors,
nominated by themselves. These officers are examined in the lawcourt
before they begin to act, and give in accounts on each occasion of
their acting.
As soon as the Archon enters office, he begins by issuing a
proclamation that whatever any one possessed before he entered into
office, that he shall possess and hold until the end of his term. Next
he assigns Choregi to the tragic poets, choosing three of the
richest persons out of the whole body of Athenians. Formerly he used
also to assign five Choregi to the comic poets, but now the tribes
provide the Choregi for them. Then he receives the Choregi who have
been appointed by the tribes for the men's and boys' choruses and
the comic poets at the Dionysia, and for the men's and boys'
choruses at the Thargelia (at the Dionysia there is a chorus for
each tribe, but at the Thargelia one between two tribes, each tribe
bearing its share in providing it); he transacts the exchanges of
properties for them, and reports any excuses that are tendered, if any
one says that he has already borne this burden, or that he is exempt
because he has borne a similar burden and the period of his
exemption has not yet expired, or that he is not of the required
age; since the Choregus of a boys' chorus must be over forty years
of age. He also appoints Choregi for the festival at Delos, and a
chief of the mission for the thirty-oar boat which conveys the
youths thither. He also superintends sacred processions, both that
in honour of Asclepius, when the initiated keep house, and that of the
great Dionysia-the latter in conjunction with the Superintendents of
that festival. These officers, ten in number, were formerly elected by
open vote in the Assembly, and used to provide for the expenses of the
procession out of their private means; but now one is elected by lot
from each tribe, and the state contributes a hundred minas for the
expenses. The Archon also superintends the procession at the
Thargelia, and that in honour of Zeus the Saviour. He also manages the
contests at the Dionysia and the Thargelia.
These, then, are the festivals which he superintends. The suits
and indictments which come before him, and which he, after a
preliminary inquiry, brings up before the lawcourts, are as follows.
Injury to parents (for bringing these actions the prosecutor cannot
suffer any penalty); injury to orphans (these actions lie against
their guardians); injury to a ward of state (these lie against their
guardians or their husbands), injury to an orphan's estate (these
too lie against the guardians); mental derangement, where a party
charges another with destroying his own property through unsoundness
of mind; for appointment of liquidators, where a party refuses to
divide property in which others have a share; for constituting a
wardship; for determining between rival claims to a wardship; for
granting inspection of property to which another party lays claim; for
appointing oneself as guardian; and for determining disputes as to
inheritances and wards of state. The Archon also has the care of
orphans and wards of state, and of women who, on the death of their
husbands, declare themselves to be with child; and he has power to
inflict a fine on those who offend against the persons under his
charge, or to bring the case before the law-courts. He also leases the
houses of orphans and wards of state until they reach the age of
fourteen, and takes mortgages on them; and if the guardians fail to
provide the necessary food for the children under their charge, he
exacts it from them. Such are the duties of the Archon.
57
The King in the first place superintends the mysteries, in
conjunction with the Superintendents of Mysteries. The latter are
elected in the Assembly by open vote, two from the general body of
Athenians, one from the Eumolpidae, and one from the Ceryces. Next, he
superintends the Lenaean Dionysia, which consists of a procession
and a contest. The procession is ordered by the King and the
Superintendents in conjunction; but the contest is managed by the King
alone. He also manages all the contests of the torch-race; and to
speak broadly, he administers all the ancestral sacrifices.
Indictments for impiety come before him, or any disputes between
parties concerning priestly rites; and he also determines all
controversies concerning sacred rites for the ancient families and the
priests. All actions for homicide come before him, and it is he that
makes the proclamation requiring polluted persons to keep away from
sacred ceremonies. Actions for homicide and wounding are heard, if the
homicide or wounding be willful, in the Areopagus; so also in cases of
killing by poison, and of arson. These are the only cases heard by
that Council. Cases of unintentional homicide, or of intent to kill,
or of killing a slave or a resident alien or a foreigner, are heard by
the court of Palladium. When the homicide is acknowledged, but legal
justification is pleaded, as when a man takes an adulterer in the act,
or kills another by mistake in battle, or in an athletic contest,
the prisoner is tried in the court of Delphinium. If a man who is in
banishment for a homicide which admits of reconcilliation incurs a
further charge of killing or wounding, he is tried in Phreatto, and he
makes his defence from a boat moored near the shore. All these
cases, except those which are heard in the Areopagus, are tried by the
Ephetae on whom the lot falls. The King introduces them, and the
hearing is held within sacred precincts and in the open air.
Whenever the King hears a case he takes off his crown. The person
who is charged with homicide is at all other times excluded from the
temples, nor is it even lawful for him to enter the market-place;
but on the occasion of his trial he enters the temple and makes his
defence. If the actual offender is unknown, the writ runs against 'the
doer of the deed'. The King and the tribe-kings also hear the cases in
which the guilt rests on inanimate objects and the lower animal.
58
The Polemarch performs the sacrifices to Artemis the huntress and to
Enyalius, and arranges the contest at the funeral of those who have
fallen in war, and makes offerings to the memory of Harmodius and
Aristogeiton. Only private actions come before him, namely those in
which resident aliens, both ordinary and privileged, and agents of
foreign states are concerned. It is his duty to receive these cases
and divide them into ten groups, and assign to each tribe the group
which comes to it by lot; after which the magistrates who introduce
cases for the tribe hand them over to the Arbitrators. The
Polemarch, however, brings up in person cases in which an alien is
charged with deserting his patron or neglecting to provide himself
with one, and also of inheritances and wards of state where aliens are
concerned; and in fact, generally, whatever the Archon does for
citizens, the Polemarch does for aliens.
59
The Thesmothetae in the first place have the power of prescribing on
what days the lawcourts are to sit, and next of assigning them to
the several magistrates; for the latter must follow the arrangement
which the Thesmothetae assign. Moreover they introduce impeachments
before the Assembly, and bring up all votes for removal from office,
challenges of a magistrate's conduct before the Assembly,
indictments for illegal proposals, or for proposing a law which is
contrary to the interests of the state, complaints against Proedri
or their president for their conduct in office, and the accounts
presented by the generals. All indictments also come before them in
which a deposit has to be made by the prosecutor, namely,
indictments for concealment of foreign origin, for corrupt evasion
of foreign origin (when a man escapes the disqualification by
bribery), for blackmailing accusations, bribery, false entry of
another as a state debtor, false testimony to the service of a
summons, conspiracy to enter a man as a state debtor, corrupt
removal from the list of debtors, and adultery. They also bring up the
examinations of all magistrates, and the rejections by the demes and
the condemnations by the Council. Moreover they bring up certain
private suits in cases of merchandise and mines, or where a slave
has slandered a free man. It is they also who cast lots to assign
the courts to the various magistrates, whether for private or public
cases. They ratify commercial treaties, and bring up the cases which
arise out of such treaties; and they also bring up cases of perjury
from the Areopagus. The casting of lots for the jurors is conducted by
all the nine Archons, with the clerk to the Thesmothetae as the tenth,
each performing the duty for his own tribe. Such are the duties of the
nine Archons.
60
There are also ten Commissioners of Games (Athlothetae), elected
by lot, one from each tribe. These officers, after passing an
examination, serve for four years; and they manage the Panathenaic
procession, the contest in music and that in gymnastic, and the
horse-race; they also provide the robe of Athena and, in conjunction
with the Council, the vases, and they present the oil to the athletes.
This oil is collected from the sacred olives. The Archon
requisitions it from the owners of the farms on which the sacred
olives grow, at the rate of three-quarters of a pint from each
plant. Formerly the state used to sell the fruit itself, and if any
one dug up or broke down one of the sacred olives, he was tried by the
Council of Areopagus, and if he was condemned, the penalty was
death. Since, however, the oil has been paid by the owner of the farm,
the procedure has lapsed, though the law remains; and the oil is a
state charge upon the property instead of being taken from the
individual plants. When, then, the Archon has collected the oil for
his year of office, he hands it over to the Treasurers to preserve
in the Acropolis, and he may not take his seat in the Areopagus
until he has paid over to the Treasurers the full amount. The
Treasurers keep it in the Acropolis until the Panathenaea, when they
measure it out to the Commissioners of Games, and they again to the
victorious competitors. The prizes for the victors in the musical
contest consist of silver and gold, for the victors in manly vigour,
of shields, and for the victors in the gymnastic contest and the
horse-race, of oil.
61
All officers connected with military service are elected by open
vote. In the first place, ten Generals (Strategi), who were formerly
elected one from each tribe, but now are chosen from the whole mass of
citizens. Their duties are assigned to them by open vote; one is
appointed to command the heavy infantry, and leads them if they go out
to war; one to the defence of the country, who remains on the
defensive, and fights if there is war within the borders of the
country; two to Piraeus, one of whom is assigned to Munichia, and
one to the south shore, and these have charge of the defence of the
Piraeus; and one to superintend the symmories, who nominates the
trierarchs arranges exchanges of properties for them, and brings up
actions to decide on rival claims in connexion with them. The rest are
dispatched to whatever business may be on hand at the moment. The
appointment of these officers is submitted for confirmation in each
prytany, when the question is put whether they are considered to be
doing their duty. If any officer is rejected on this vote, he is tried
in the lawcourt, and if he is found guilty the people decide what
punishment or fine shall be inflicted on him; but if he is acquitted
he resumes his office. The Generals have full power, when on active
service, to arrest any one for insubordination, or to cashier him
publicly, or to inflict a fine; the latter is, however, unusual.
There are also ten Taxiarchs, one from each tribe, elected by open
vote; and each commands his own tribesmen and appoints captains of
companies (Lochagi). There are also two Hipparchs, elected by open
vote from the whole mass of the citizens, who command the cavalry,
each taking five tribes. They have the same powers as the Generals
have in respect of the infantry, and their appointments are also
subject to confirmation. There are also ten Phylarchs, elected by open
vote, one from each tribe, to command the cavalry, as the Taxiarchs do
the infantry. There is also a Hipparch for Lemnos, elected by open
vote, who has charge of the cavalry in Lemnos. There is also a
treasurer of the Paralus, and another of the Ammonias, similarly
elected.
62
Of the magistrates elected by lot, in former times some including
the nine Archons, were elected out of the tribe as a whole, while
others, namely those who are now elected in the Theseum, were
apportioned among the demes; but since the demes used to sell the
elections, these magistrates too are now elected from the whole tribe,
except the members of the Council and the guards of the dockyards, who
are still left to the demes.
Pay is received for the following services. First the members of the
Assembly receive a drachma for the ordinary meetings, and nine obols
for the 'sovereign' meeting. Then the jurors at the law-courts receive
three obols; and the members of the Council five obols. They
Prytanes receive an allowance of an obol for their maintenance. The
nine Archons receive four obols apiece for maintenance, and also
keep a herald and a flute-player; and the Archon for Salamis
receives a drachma a day. The Commissioners for Games dine in the
Prytaneum during the month of Hecatombaeon in which the Panathenaic
festival takes place, from the fourteenth day onwards. The
Amphictyonic deputies to Delos receive a drachma a day from the
exchequer of Delos. Also all magistrates sent to Samos, Scyros,
Lemnos, or Imbros receive an allowance for their maintenance. The
military offices may be held any number of times, but none of the
others more than once, except the membership of the Council, which may
be held twice.
63
The juries for the law-courts are chosen by lot by the nine Archons,
each for their own tribe, and by the clerk to the Thesmothetae for the
tenth. There are ten entrances into the courts, one for each tribe;
twenty rooms in which the lots are drawn, two for each tribe; a
hundred chests, ten for each tribe; other chests, in which are
placed the tickets of the jurors on whom the lot falls; and two vases.
Further, staves, equal in number to the jurors required, are placed by
the side of each entrance; and counters are put into one vase, equal
in number to the staves. These are inscribed with letters of the
alphabet beginning with the eleventh (lambda), equal in number to
the courts which require to be filled. All persons above thirty
years of age are qualified to serve as jurors, provided they are not
debtors to the state and have not lost their civil rights. If any
unqualified person serves as juror, an information is laid against
him, and he is brought before the court; and, if he is convicted,
the jurors assess the punishment or fine which they consider him to
deserve. If he is condemned to a money fine, he must be imprisoned
until he has paid up both the original debt, on account of which the
information was laid against him, and also the fine which the court as
imposed upon him. Each juror has his ticket of boxwood, on which is
inscribed his name, with the name of his father and his deme, and
one of the letters of the alphabet up to kappa; for the jurors in
their several tribes are divided into ten sections, with approximately
an equal number in each letter. When the Thesmothetes has decided by
lot which letters are required to attend at the courts, the servant
puts up above each court the letter which has been assigned to it by
the lot.
64
The ten chests above mentioned are placed in front of the entrance
used by each tribe, and are inscribed with the letters of the alphabet
from alpha to kappa. The jurors cast in their tickets, each into the
chest on which is inscribed the letter which is on his ticket; then
the servant shakes them all up, and the Archon draws one ticket from
each chest. The individual so selected is called the Ticket-hanger
(Empectes), and his function is to hang up the tickets out of his
chest on the bar which bears the same letter as that on the chest.
He is chosen by lot, lest, if the Ticket-hanger were always the same
person, he might tamper with the results. There are five of these bars
in each of the rooms assigned for the lot-drawing. Then the Archon
casts in the dice and thereby chooses the jurors from each tribe, room
by room. The dice are made of brass, coloured black or white; and
according to the number of jurors required, so many white dice are put
in, one for each five tickets, while the remainder are black, in the
same proportion. As the Archon draws out the dice, the crier calls out
the names of the individuals chosen. The Ticket-hanger is included
among those selected. Each juror, as he is chosen and answers to his
name, draws a counter from the vase, and holding it out with the
letter uppermost shows it first to the presiding Archon; and he,
when he has seen it, throws the ticket of the juror into the chest
on which is inscribed the letter which is on the counter, so that
the juror must go into the court assigned to him by lot, and not
into one chosen by himself, and that it may be impossible for any
one to collect the jurors of his choice into any particular court. For
this purpose chests are placed near the Archon, as many in number as
there are courts to be filled that day, bearing the letters of the
courts on which the lot has fallen.
65
The juror thereupon, after showing his counter again to the
attendant, passes through the barrier into the court. The attendant
gives him a staff of the same colour as the court bearing the letter
which is on his counter, so as to ensure his going into the court
assigned to him by lot; since, if he were to go into any other, he
would be betrayed by the colour of his staff. Each court has a certain
colour painted on the lintel of the entrance. Accordingly the juror,
bearing his staff, enters the court which has the same colour as his
staff, and the same letter as his counter. As he enters, he receives a
voucher from the official to whom this duty has been assigned by
lot. So with their counters and their staves the selected jurors
take their seats in the court, having thus completed the process of
admission. The unsuccessful candidates receive back their tickets from
the Ticket-hangers. The public servants carry the chests from each
tribe, one to each court, containing the names of the members of the
tribe who are in that court, and hand them over to the officials
assigned to the duty of giving back their tickets to the jurors in
each court, so that these officials may call them up by name and pay
them their fee.
66
When all the courts are full, two ballot boxes are placed in the
first court, and a number of brazen dice, bearing the colours of the
several courts, and other dice inscribed with the names of the
presiding magistrates. Then two of the Thesmothetae, selected by
lot, severally throw the dice with the colours into one box, and those
with the magistrates' names into the other. The magistrate whose
name is first drawn is thereupon proclaimed by the crier as assigned
for duty in the court which is first drawn, and the second in the
second, and similarly with the rest. The object of this procedure is
that no one may know which court he will have, but that each may
take the court assigned to him by lot.
When the jurors have come in, and have been assigned to their
respective courts, the presiding magistrate in each court draws one
ticket out of each chest (making ten in all, one out of each tribe),
and throws them into another empty chest. He then draws out five of
them, and assigns one to the superintendence of the water-clock, and
the other four to the telling of the votes. This is to prevent any
tampering beforehand with either the superintendent of the clock or
the tellers of the votes, and to secure that there is no malpractice
in these respects. The five who have not been selected for these
duties receive from them a statement of the order in which the
jurors shall receive their fees, and of the places where the several
tribes shall respectively gather in the court for this purpose when
their duties are completed; the object being that the jurors may be
broken up into small groups for the reception of their pay, and not
all crowd together and impede one another.
67
These preliminaries being concluded, the cases are called on. If
it is a day for private cases, the private litigants are called.
Four cases are taken in each of the categories defined in the law, and
the litigants swear to confine their speeches to the point at issue.
If it is a day for public causes, the public litigants are called, and
only one case is tried. Water-clocks are provided, having small
supply-tubes, into which the water is poured by which the length of
the pleadings is regulated. Ten gallons are allowed for a case in
which an amount of more than five thousand drachmas is involved, and
three for the second speech on each side. When the amount is between
one and five thousand drachmas, seven gallons are allowed for the
first speech and two for the second; when it is less than one
thousand, five and two. Six gallons are allowed for arbitrations
between rival claimants, in which there is no second speech. The
official chosen by lot to superintend the water-clock places his
hand on the supply tube whenever the clerk is about to read a
resolution or law or affidavit or treaty. When, however, a case is
conducted according to a set measurement of the day, he does not
stop the supply, but each party receives an equal allowance of
water. The standard of measurement is the length of the days in the
month Poseideon.... The measured day is employed in cases when
imprisonment, death, exile, loss of civil rights, or confiscation of
goods is assigned as the penalty.
68
Most of the courts consist of 500 members...; and when it is
necessary to bring public cases before a jury of 1,000 members, two
courts combine for the purpose, the most important cases of all are
brought 1,500 jurors, or three courts. The ballot balls are made of
brass with stems running through the centre, half of them having the
stem pierced and the other half solid. When the speeches are
concluded, the officials assigned to the taking of the votes give each
juror two ballot balls, one pierced and one solid. This is done in
full view of the rival litigants, to secure that no one shall
receive two pierced or two solid balls. Then the official designated
for the purpose takes away the jurors staves, in return for which each
one as he records his vote receives a brass voucher market with the
numeral 3 (because he gets three obols when he gives it up). This is
to ensure that all shall vote; since no one can get a voucher unless
he votes. Two urns, one of brass and the other of wood, stand in the
court, in distinct spots so that no one may surreptitiously insert
ballot balls; in these the jurors record their votes. The brazen urn
is for effective votes, the wooden for unused votes; and the brazen
urn has a lid pierced so as to take only one ballot ball, in order
that no one may put in two at a time.
When the jurors are about to vote, the crier demands first whether
the litigants enter a protest against any of the evidence; for no
protest can be received after the voting has begun. Then he
proclaims again, 'The pierced ballot for the plaintiff, the solid
for the defendant'; and the juror, taking his two ballot balls from
the stand, with his hand closed over the stem so as not to show either
the pierced or the solid ballot to the litigants, casts the one
which is to count into the brazen urn, and the other into the wooden
urn.
69
When all the jurors have voted, the attendants take the urn
containing the effective votes and discharge them on to a reckoning
board having as many cavities as there are ballot balls, so that the
effective votes, whether pierced or solid, may be plainly displayed
and easily counted. Then the officials assigned to the taking of the
votes tell them off on the board, the solid in one place and the
pierced in another, and the crier announces the numbers of the
votes, the pierced ballots being for the prosecutor and the solid
for the defendant. Whichever has the majority is victorious; but if
the votes are equal the verdict is for the defendant. Each juror
receives two ballots, and uses one to record his vote, and throws
the other away.
Then, if damages have to be awarded, they vote again in the same
way, first returning their pay-vouchers and receiving back their
staves. Half a gallon of water is allowed to each party for the
discussion of the damages. Finally, when all has been completed in
accordance with the law, the jurors receive their pay in the order
assigned by the lot.
THE END
350 BC
by Aristotle
translated by E. M. Edghill
1
Things are said to be named 'equivocally' when, though they have a
common name, the definition corresponding with the name differs for
each. Thus, a real man and a figure in a picture can both lay claim to
the name 'animal'; yet these are equivocally so named, for, though
they have a common name, the definition corresponding with the name
differs for each. For should any one define in what sense each is an
animal, his definition in the one case will be appropriate to that
case only.
On the other hand, things are said to be named 'univocally' which
have both the name and the definition answering to the name in common.
A man and an ox are both 'animal', and these are univocally so
named, inasmuch as not only the name, but also the definition, is
the same in both cases: for if a man should state in what sense each
is an animal, the statement in the one case would be identical with
that in the other.
Things are said to be named 'derivatively', which derive their
name from some other name, but differ from it in termination. Thus the
grammarian derives his name from the word 'grammar', and the
courageous man from the word 'courage'.
2
Forms of speech are either simple or composite. Examples of the
latter are such expressions as 'the man runs', 'the man wins'; of the
former 'man', 'ox', 'runs', 'wins'.
Of things themselves some are predicable of a subject, and are never
present in a subject. Thus 'man' is predicable of the individual
man, and is never present in a subject.
By being 'present in a subject' I do not mean present as parts are
present in a whole, but being incapable of existence apart from the
said subject.
Some things, again, are present in a subject, but are never
predicable of a subject. For instance, a certain point of
grammatical knowledge is present in the mind, but is not predicable of
any subject; or again, a certain whiteness may be present in the
body (for colour requires a material basis), yet it is never
predicable of anything.
Other things, again, are both predicable of a subject and present in
a subject. Thus while knowledge is present in the human mind, it is
predicable of grammar.
There is, lastly, a class of things which are neither present in a
subject nor predicable of a subject, such as the individual man or the
individual horse. But, to speak more generally, that which is
individual and has the character of a unit is never predicable of a
subject. Yet in some cases there is nothing to prevent such being
present in a subject. Thus a certain point of grammatical knowledge is
present in a subject.
3
When one thing is predicated of another, all that which is
predicable of the predicate will be predicable also of the subject.
Thus, 'man' is predicated of the individual man; but 'animal' is
predicated of 'man'; it will, therefore, be predicable of the
individual man also: for the individual man is both 'man' and
'animal'.
If genera are different and co-ordinate, their differentiae are
themselves different in kind. Take as an instance the genus 'animal'
and the genus 'knowledge'. 'With feet', 'two-footed', 'winged',
'aquatic', are differentiae of 'animal'; the species of knowledge
are not distinguished by the same differentiae. One species of
knowledge does not differ from another in being 'two-footed'.
But where one genus is subordinate to another, there is nothing to
prevent their having the same differentiae: for the greater class is
predicated of the lesser, so that all the differentiae of the
predicate will be differentiae also of the subject.
4
Expressions which are in no way composite signify substance,
quantity, quality, relation, place, time, position, state, action,
or affection. To sketch my meaning roughly, examples of substance
are 'man' or 'the horse', of quantity, such terms as 'two cubits long'
or 'three cubits long', of quality, such attributes as 'white',
'grammatical'. 'Double', 'half', 'greater', fall under the category of
relation; 'in a the market place', 'in the Lyceum', under that of
place; 'yesterday', 'last year', under that of time. 'Lying',
'sitting', are terms indicating position, 'shod', 'armed', state;
'to lance', 'to cauterize', action; 'to be lanced', 'to be
cauterized', affection.
No one of these terms, in and by itself, involves an affirmation; it
is by the combination of such terms that positive or negative
statements arise. For every assertion must, as is admitted, be
either true or false, whereas expressions which are not in any way
composite such as 'man', 'white', 'runs', 'wins', cannot be either
true or false.
5
Substance, in the truest and primary and most definite sense of
the word, is that which is neither predicable of a subject nor present
in a subject; for instance, the individual man or horse. But in a
secondary sense those things are called substances within which, as
species, the primary substances are included; also those which, as
genera, include the species. For instance, the individual man is
included in the species 'man', and the genus to which the species
belongs is 'animal'; these, therefore-that is to say, the species
'man' and the genus 'animal,-are termed secondary substances.
It is plain from what has been said that both the name and the
definition of the predicate must be predicable of the subject. For
instance, 'man' is predicted of the individual man. Now in this case
the name of the species man' is applied to the individual, for we
use the term 'man' in describing the individual; and the definition of
'man' will also be predicated of the individual man, for the
individual man is both man and animal. Thus, both the name and the
definition of the species are predicable of the individual.
With regard, on the other hand, to those things which are present in
a subject, it is generally the case that neither their name nor
their definition is predicable of that in which they are present.
Though, however, the definition is never predicable, there is
nothing in certain cases to prevent the name being used. For instance,
'white' being present in a body is predicated of that in which it is
present, for a body is called white: the definition, however, of the
colour white' is never predicable of the body.
Everything except primary substances is either predicable of a
primary substance or present in a primary substance. This becomes
evident by reference to particular instances which occur. 'Animal'
is predicated of the species 'man', therefore of the individual man,
for if there were no individual man of whom it could be predicated, it
could not be predicated of the species 'man' at all. Again, colour
is present in body, therefore in individual bodies, for if there
were no individual body in which it was present, it could not be
present in body at all. Thus everything except primary substances is
either predicated of primary substances, or is present in them, and if
these last did not exist, it would be impossible for anything else
to exist.
Of secondary substances, the species is more truly substance than
the genus, being more nearly related to primary substance. For if
any one should render an account of what a primary substance is, he
would render a more instructive account, and one more proper to the
subject, by stating the species than by stating the genus. Thus, he
would give a more instructive account of an individual man by
stating that he was man than by stating that he was animal, for the
former description is peculiar to the individual in a greater
degree, while the latter is too general. Again, the man who gives an
account of the nature of an individual tree will give a more
instructive account by mentioning the species 'tree' than by
mentioning the genus 'plant'.
Moreover, primary substances are most properly called substances
in virtue of the fact that they are the entities which underlie every.
else, and that everything else is either predicated of them or present
in them. Now the same relation which subsists between primary
substance and everything else subsists also between the species and
the genus: for the species is to the genus as subject is to predicate,
since the genus is predicated of the species, whereas the species
cannot be predicated of the genus. Thus we have a second ground for
asserting that the species is more truly substance than the genus.
Of species themselves, except in the case of such as are genera,
no one is more truly substance than another. We should not give a more
appropriate account of the individual man by stating the species to
which he belonged, than we should of an individual horse by adopting
the same method of definition. In the same way, of primary substances,
no one is more truly substance than another; an individual man is
not more truly substance than an individual ox.
It is, then, with good reason that of all that remains, when we
exclude primary substances, we concede to species and genera alone the
name 'secondary substance', for these alone of all the predicates
convey a knowledge of primary substance. For it is by stating the
species or the genus that we appropriately define any individual
man; and we shall make our definition more exact by stating the former
than by stating the latter. All other things that we state, such as
that he is white, that he runs, and so on, are irrelevant to the
definition. Thus it is just that these alone, apart from primary
substances, should be called substances.
Further, primary substances are most properly so called, because
they underlie and are the subjects of everything else. Now the same
relation that subsists between primary substance and everything else
subsists also between the species and the genus to which the primary
substance belongs, on the one hand, and every attribute which is not
included within these, on the other. For these are the subjects of all
such. If we call an individual man 'skilled in grammar', the predicate
is applicable also to the species and to the genus to which he
belongs. This law holds good in all cases.
It is a common characteristic of all sub. stance that it is never
present in a subject. For primary substance is neither present in a
subject nor predicated of a subject; while, with regard to secondary
substances, it is clear from the following arguments (apart from
others) that they are not present in a subject. For 'man' is
predicated of the individual man, but is not present in any subject:
for manhood is not present in the individual man. In the same way,
'animal' is also predicated of the individual man, but is not
present in him. Again, when a thing is present in a subject, though
the name may quite well be applied to that in which it is present, the
definition cannot be applied. Yet of secondary substances, not only
the name, but also the definition, applies to the subject: we should
use both the definition of the species and that of the genus with
reference to the individual man. Thus substance cannot be present in a
subject.
Yet this is not peculiar to substance, for it is also the case
that differentiae cannot be present in subjects. The characteristics
'terrestrial' and 'two-footed' are predicated of the species 'man',
but not present in it. For they are not in man. Moreover, the
definition of the differentia may be predicated of that of which the
differentia itself is predicated. For instance, if the
characteristic 'terrestrial' is predicated of the species 'man', the
definition also of that characteristic may be used to form the
predicate of the species 'man': for 'man' is terrestrial.
The fact that the parts of substances appear to be present in the
whole, as in a subject, should not make us apprehensive lest we should
have to admit that such parts are not substances: for in explaining
the phrase 'being present in a subject', we stated' that we meant
'otherwise than as parts in a whole'.
It is the mark of substances and of differentiae that, in all
propositions of which they form the predicate, they are predicated
univocally. For all such propositions have for their subject either
the individual or the species. It is true that, inasmuch as primary
substance is not predicable of anything, it can never form the
predicate of any proposition. But of secondary substances, the species
is predicated of the individual, the genus both of the species and
of the individual. Similarly the differentiae are predicated of the
species and of the individuals. Moreover, the definition of the
species and that of the genus are applicable to the primary substance,
and that of the genus to the species. For all that is predicated of
the predicate will be predicated also of the subject. Similarly, the
definition of the differentiae will be applicable to the species and
to the individuals. But it was stated above that the word 'univocal'
was applied to those things which had both name and definition in
common. It is, therefore, established that in every proposition, of
which either substance or a differentia forms the predicate, these are
predicated univocally.
All substance appears to signify that which is individual. In the
case of primary substance this is indisputably true, for the thing
is a unit. In the case of secondary substances, when we speak, for
instance, of 'man' or 'animal', our form of speech gives the
impression that we are here also indicating that which is
individual, but the impression is not strictly true; for a secondary
substance is not an individual, but a class with a certain
qualification; for it is not one and single as a primary substance is;
the words 'man', 'animal', are predicable of more than one subject.
Yet species and genus do not merely indicate quality, like the
term 'white'; 'white' indicates quality and nothing further, but
species and genus determine the quality with reference to a substance:
they signify substance qualitatively differentiated. The determinate
qualification covers a larger field in the case of the genus that in
that of the species: he who uses the word 'animal' is herein using a
word of wider extension than he who uses the word 'man'.
Another mark of substance is that it has no contrary. What could
be the contrary of any primary substance, such as the individual man
or animal? It has none. Nor can the species or the genus have a
contrary. Yet this characteristic is not peculiar to substance, but is
true of many other things, such as quantity. There is nothing that
forms the contrary of 'two cubits long' or of 'three cubits long',
or of 'ten', or of any such term. A man may contend that 'much' is the
contrary of 'little', or 'great' of 'small', but of definite
quantitative terms no contrary exists.
Substance, again, does not appear to admit of variation of degree. I
do not mean by this that one substance cannot be more or less truly
substance than another, for it has already been stated' that this is
the case; but that no single substance admits of varying degrees
within itself. For instance, one particular substance, 'man', cannot
be more or less man either than himself at some other time or than
some other man. One man cannot be more man than another, as that which
is white may be more or less white than some other white object, or as
that which is beautiful may be more or less beautiful than some
other beautiful object. The same quality, moreover, is said to subsist
in a thing in varying degrees at different times. A body, being white,
is said to be whiter at one time than it was before, or, being warm,
is said to be warmer or less warm than at some other time. But
substance is not said to be more or less that which it is: a man is
not more truly a man at one time than he was before, nor is
anything, if it is substance, more or less what it is. Substance,
then, does not admit of variation of degree.
The most distinctive mark of substance appears to be that, while
remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting
contrary qualities. From among things other than substance, we
should find ourselves unable to bring forward any which possessed this
mark. Thus, one and the same colour cannot be white and black. Nor can
the same one action be good and bad: this law holds good with
everything that is not substance. But one and the selfsame
substance, while retaining its identity, is yet capable of admitting
contrary qualities. The same individual person is at one time white,
at another black, at one time warm, at another cold, at one time good,
at another bad. This capacity is found nowhere else, though it might
be maintained that a statement or opinion was an exception to the
rule. The same statement, it is agreed, can be both true and false.
For if the statement 'he is sitting' is true, yet, when the person
in question has risen, the same statement will be false. The same
applies to opinions. For if any one thinks truly that a person is
sitting, yet, when that person has risen, this same opinion, if
still held, will be false. Yet although this exception may be allowed,
there is, nevertheless, a difference in the manner in which the
thing takes place. It is by themselves changing that substances
admit contrary qualities. It is thus that that which was hot becomes
cold, for it has entered into a different state. Similarly that
which was white becomes black, and that which was bad good, by a
process of change; and in the same way in all other cases it is by
changing that substances are capable of admitting contrary
qualities. But statements and opinions themselves remain unaltered
in all respects: it is by the alteration in the facts of the case that
the contrary quality comes to be theirs. The statement 'he is sitting'
remains unaltered, but it is at one time true, at another false,
according to circumstances. What has been said of statements applies
also to opinions. Thus, in respect of the manner in which the thing
takes place, it is the peculiar mark of substance that it should be
capable of admitting contrary qualities; for it is by itself
changing that it does so.
If, then, a man should make this exception and contend that
statements and opinions are capable of admitting contrary qualities,
his contention is unsound. For statements and opinions are said to
have this capacity, not because they themselves undergo
modification, but because this modification occurs in the case of
something else. The truth or falsity of a statement depends on
facts, and not on any power on the part of the statement itself of
admitting contrary qualities. In short, there is nothing which can
alter the nature of statements and opinions. As, then, no change takes
place in themselves, these cannot be said to be capable of admitting
contrary qualities.
But it is by reason of the modification which takes place within the
substance itself that a substance is said to be capable of admitting
contrary qualities; for a substance admits within itself either
disease or health, whiteness or blackness. It is in this sense that it
is said to be capable of admitting contrary qualities.
To sum up, it is a distinctive mark of substance, that, while
remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting
contrary qualities, the modification taking place through a change
in the substance itself.
Let these remarks suffice on the subject of substance.
6
Quantity is either discrete or continuous. Moreover, some quantities
are such that each part of the whole has a relative position to the
other parts: others have within them no such relation of part to part.
Instances of discrete quantities are number and speech; of
continuous, lines, surfaces, solids, and, besides these, time and
place.
In the case of the parts of a number, there is no common boundary at
which they join. For example: two fives make ten, but the two fives
have no common boundary, but are separate; the parts three and seven
also do not join at any boundary. Nor, to generalize, would it ever be
possible in the case of number that there should be a common
boundary among the parts; they are always separate. Number, therefore,
is a discrete quantity.
The same is true of speech. That speech is a quantity is evident:
for it is measured in long and short syllables. I mean here that
speech which is vocal. Moreover, it is a discrete quantity for its
parts have no common boundary. There is no common boundary at which
the syllables join, but each is separate and distinct from the rest.
A line, on the other hand, is a continuous quantity, for it is
possible to find a common boundary at which its parts join. In the
case of the line, this common boundary is the point; in the case of
the plane, it is the line: for the parts of the plane have also a
common boundary. Similarly you can find a common boundary in the
case of the parts of a solid, namely either a line or a plane.
Space and time also belong to this class of quantities. Time,
past, present, and future, forms a continuous whole. Space,
likewise, is a continuous quantity; for the parts of a solid occupy
a certain space, and these have a common boundary; it follows that the
parts of space also, which are occupied by the parts of the solid,
have the same common boundary as the parts of the solid. Thus, not
only time, but space also, is a continuous quantity, for its parts
have a common boundary.
Quantities consist either of parts which bear a relative position
each to each, or of parts which do not. The parts of a line bear a
relative position to each other, for each lies somewhere, and it would
be possible to distinguish each, and to state the position of each
on the plane and to explain to what sort of part among the rest each
was contiguous. Similarly the parts of a plane have position, for it
could similarly be stated what was the position of each and what
sort of parts were contiguous. The same is true with regard to the
solid and to space. But it would be impossible to show that the arts
of a number had a relative position each to each, or a particular
position, or to state what parts were contiguous. Nor could this be
done in the case of time, for none of the parts of time has an abiding
existence, and that which does not abide can hardly have position.
It would be better to say that such parts had a relative order, in
virtue of one being prior to another. Similarly with number: in
counting, 'one' is prior to 'two', and 'two' to 'three', and thus
the parts of number may be said to possess a relative order, though it
would be impossible to discover any distinct position for each. This
holds good also in the case of speech. None of its parts has an
abiding existence: when once a syllable is pronounced, it is not
possible to retain it, so that, naturally, as the parts do not
abide, they cannot have position. Thus, some quantities consist of
parts which have position, and some of those which have not.
Strictly speaking, only the things which I have mentioned belong
to the category of quantity: everything else that is called
quantitative is a quantity in a secondary sense. It is because we have
in mind some one of these quantities, properly so called, that we
apply quantitative terms to other things. We speak of what is white as
large, because the surface over which the white extends is large; we
speak of an action or a process as lengthy, because the time covered
is long; these things cannot in their own right claim the quantitative
epithet. For instance, should any one explain how long an action
was, his statement would be made in terms of the time taken, to the
effect that it lasted a year, or something of that sort. In the same
way, he would explain the size of a white object in terms of
surface, for he would state the area which it covered. Thus the things
already mentioned, and these alone, are in their intrinsic nature
quantities; nothing else can claim the name in its own right, but,
if at all, only in a secondary sense.
Quantities have no contraries. In the case of definite quantities
this is obvious; thus, there is nothing that is the contrary of 'two
cubits long' or of 'three cubits long', or of a surface, or of any
such quantities. A man might, indeed, argue that 'much' was the
contrary of 'little', and 'great' of 'small'. But these are not
quantitative, but relative; things are not great or small
absolutely, they are so called rather as the result of an act of
comparison. For instance, a mountain is called small, a grain large,
in virtue of the fact that the latter is greater than others of its
kind, the former less. Thus there is a reference here to an external
standard, for if the terms 'great' and 'small' were used absolutely, a
mountain would never be called small or a grain large. Again, we say
that there are many people in a village, and few in Athens, although
those in the city are many times as numerous as those in the
village: or we say that a house has many in it, and a theatre few,
though those in the theatre far outnumber those in the house. The
terms 'two cubits long, "three cubits long,' and so on indicate
quantity, the terms 'great' and 'small' indicate relation, for they
have reference to an external standard. It is, therefore, plain that
these are to be classed as relative.
Again, whether we define them as quantitative or not, they have no
contraries: for how can there be a contrary of an attribute which is
not to be apprehended in or by itself, but only by reference to
something external? Again, if 'great' and 'small' are contraries, it
will come about that the same subject can admit contrary qualities
at one and the same time, and that things will themselves be
contrary to themselves. For it happens at times that the same thing is
both small and great. For the same thing may be small in comparison
with one thing, and great in comparison with another, so that the same
thing comes to be both small and great at one and the same time, and
is of such a nature as to admit contrary qualities at one and the same
moment. Yet it was agreed, when substance was being discussed, that
nothing admits contrary qualities at one and the same moment. For
though substance is capable of admitting contrary qualities, yet no
one is at the same time both sick and healthy, nothing is at the
same time both white and black. Nor is there anything which is
qualified in contrary ways at one and the same time.
Moreover, if these were contraries, they would themselves be
contrary to themselves. For if 'great' is the contrary of 'small', and
the same thing is both great and small at the same time, then
'small' or 'great' is the contrary of itself. But this is
impossible. The term 'great', therefore, is not the contrary of the
term 'small', nor 'much' of 'little'. And even though a man should
call these terms not relative but quantitative, they would not have
contraries.
It is in the case of space that quantity most plausibly appears to
admit of a contrary. For men define the term 'above' as the contrary
of 'below', when it is the region at the centre they mean by
'below'; and this is so, because nothing is farther from the
extremities of the universe than the region at the centre. Indeed,
it seems that in defining contraries of every kind men have recourse
to a spatial metaphor, for they say that those things are contraries
which, within the same class, are separated by the greatest possible
distance.
Quantity does not, it appears, admit of variation of degree. One
thing cannot be two cubits long in a greater degree than another.
Similarly with regard to number: what is 'three' is not more truly
three than what is 'five' is five; nor is one set of three more
truly three than another set. Again, one period of time is not said to
be more truly time than another. Nor is there any other kind of
quantity, of all that have been mentioned, with regard to which
variation of degree can be predicated. The category of quantity,
therefore, does not admit of variation of degree.
The most distinctive mark of quantity is that equality and
inequality are predicated of it. Each of the aforesaid quantities is
said to be equal or unequal. For instance, one solid is said to be
equal or unequal to another; number, too, and time can have these
terms applied to them, indeed can all those kinds of quantity that
have been mentioned.
That which is not a quantity can by no means, it would seem, be
termed equal or unequal to anything else. One particular disposition
or one particular quality, such as whiteness, is by no means
compared with another in terms of equality and inequality but rather
in terms of similarity. Thus it is the distinctive mark of quantity
that it can be called equal and unequal.
7
Those things are called relative, which, being either said to be
of something else or related to something else, are explained by
reference to that other thing. For instance, the word 'superior' is
explained by reference to something else, for it is superiority over
something else that is meant. Similarly, the expression 'double' has
this external reference, for it is the double of something else that
is meant. So it is with everything else of this kind. There are,
moreover, other relatives, e.g. habit, disposition, perception,
knowledge, and attitude. The significance of all these is explained by
a reference to something else and in no other way. Thus, a habit is
a habit of something, knowledge is knowledge of something, attitude is
the attitude of something. So it is with all other relatives that have
been mentioned. Those terms, then, are called relative, the nature
of which is explained by reference to something else, the
preposition 'of' or some other preposition being used to indicate
the relation. Thus, one mountain is called great in comparison with
son with another; for the mountain claims this attribute by comparison
with something. Again, that which is called similar must be similar to
something else, and all other such attributes have this external
reference. It is to be noted that lying and standing and sitting are
particular attitudes, but attitude is itself a relative term. To
lie, to stand, to be seated, are not themselves attitudes, but take
their name from the aforesaid attitudes.
It is possible for relatives to have contraries. Thus virtue has a
contrary, vice, these both being relatives; knowledge, too, has a
contrary, ignorance. But this is not the mark of all relatives;
'double' and 'triple' have no contrary, nor indeed has any such term.
It also appears that relatives can admit of variation of degree. For
'like' and 'unlike', 'equal' and 'unequal', have the modifications
'more' and 'less' applied to them, and each of these is relative in
character: for the terms 'like' and 'unequal' bear 'unequal' bear a
reference to something external. Yet, again, it is not every
relative term that admits of variation of degree. No term such as
'double' admits of this modification. All relatives have correlatives:
by the term 'slave' we mean the slave of a master, by the term
'master', the master of a slave; by 'double', the double of its
hall; by 'half', the half of its double; by 'greater', greater than
that which is less; by 'less,' less than that which is greater.
So it is with every other relative term; but the case we use to
express the correlation differs in some instances. Thus, by
knowledge we mean knowledge the knowable; by the knowable, that
which is to be apprehended by knowledge; by perception, perception
of the perceptible; by the perceptible, that which is apprehended by
perception.
Sometimes, however, reciprocity of correlation does not appear to
exist. This comes about when a blunder is made, and that to which
the relative is related is not accurately stated. If a man states that
a wing is necessarily relative to a bird, the connexion between
these two will not be reciprocal, for it will not be possible to say
that a bird is a bird by reason of its wings. The reason is that the
original statement was inaccurate, for the wing is not said to be
relative to the bird qua bird, since many creatures besides birds have
wings, but qua winged creature. If, then, the statement is made
accurate, the connexion will be reciprocal, for we can speak of a
wing, having reference necessarily to a winged creature, and of a
winged creature as being such because of its wings.
Occasionally, perhaps, it is necessary to coin words, if no word
exists by which a correlation can adequately be explained. If we
define a rudder as necessarily having reference to a boat, our
definition will not be appropriate, for the rudder does not have
this reference to a boat qua boat, as there are boats which have no
rudders. Thus we cannot use the terms reciprocally, for the word
'boat' cannot be said to find its explanation in the word 'rudder'. As
there is no existing word, our definition would perhaps be more
accurate if we coined some word like 'ruddered' as the correlative
of 'rudder'. If we express ourselves thus accurately, at any rate
the terms are reciprocally connected, for the 'ruddered' thing is
'ruddered' in virtue of its rudder. So it is in all other cases. A
head will be more accurately defined as the correlative of that
which is 'headed', than as that of an animal, for the animal does
not have a head qua animal, since many animals have no head.
Thus we may perhaps most easily comprehend that to which a thing
is related, when a name does not exist, if, from that which has a
name, we derive a new name, and apply it to that with which the
first is reciprocally connected, as in the aforesaid instances, when
we derived the word 'winged' from 'wing' and from 'rudder'.
All relatives, then, if properly defined, have a correlative. I
add this condition because, if that to which they are related is
stated as haphazard and not accurately, the two are not found to be
interdependent. Let me state what I mean more clearly. Even in the
case of acknowledged correlatives, and where names exist for each,
there will be no interdependence if one of the two is denoted, not
by that name which expresses the correlative notion, but by one of
irrelevant significance. The term 'slave,' if defined as related,
not to a master, but to a man, or a biped, or anything of that sort,
is not reciprocally connected with that in relation to which it is
defined, for the statement is not exact. Further, if one thing is said
to be correlative with another, and the terminology used is correct,
then, though all irrelevant attributes should be removed, and only
that one attribute left in virtue of which it was correctly stated
to be correlative with that other, the stated correlation will still
exist. If the correlative of 'the slave' is said to be 'the master',
then, though all irrelevant attributes of the said 'master', such as
'biped', 'receptive of knowledge', 'human', should be removed, and the
attribute 'master' alone left, the stated correlation existing between
him and the slave will remain the same, for it is of a master that a
slave is said to be the slave. On the other hand, if, of two
correlatives, one is not correctly termed, then, when all other
attributes are removed and that alone is left in virtue of which it
was stated to be correlative, the stated correlation will be found
to have disappeared.
For suppose the correlative of 'the slave' should be said to be 'the
man', or the correlative of 'the wing"the bird'; if the attribute
'master' be withdrawn from' the man', the correlation between 'the
man' and 'the slave' will cease to exist, for if the man is not a
master, the slave is not a slave. Similarly, if the attribute 'winged'
be withdrawn from 'the bird', 'the wing' will no longer be relative;
for if the so-called correlative is not winged, it follows that 'the
wing' has no correlative.
Thus it is essential that the correlated terms should be exactly
designated; if there is a name existing, the statement will be easy;
if not, it is doubtless our duty to construct names. When the
terminology is thus correct, it is evident that all correlatives are
interdependent.
Correlatives are thought to come into existence simultaneously. This
is for the most part true, as in the case of the double and the
half. The existence of the half necessitates the existence of that
of which it is a half. Similarly the existence of a master
necessitates the existence of a slave, and that of a slave implies
that of a master; these are merely instances of a general rule.
Moreover, they cancel one another; for if there is no double it
follows that there is no half, and vice versa; this rule also
applies to all such correlatives. Yet it does not appear to be true in
all cases that correlatives come into existence simultaneously. The
object of knowledge would appear to exist before knowledge itself, for
it is usually the case that we acquire knowledge of objects already
existing; it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find a branch
of knowledge the beginning of the existence of which was
contemporaneous with that of its object.
Again, while the object of knowledge, if it ceases to exist, cancels
at the same time the knowledge which was its correlative, the converse
of this is not true. It is true that if the object of knowledge does
not exist there can be no knowledge: for there will no longer be
anything to know. Yet it is equally true that, if knowledge of a
certain object does not exist, the object may nevertheless quite
well exist. Thus, in the case of the squaring of the circle, if indeed
that process is an object of knowledge, though it itself exists as
an object of knowledge, yet the knowledge of it has not yet come
into existence. Again, if all animals ceased to exist, there would
be no knowledge, but there might yet be many objects of knowledge.
This is likewise the case with regard to perception: for the
object of perception is, it appears, prior to the act of perception.
If the perceptible is annihilated, perception also will cease to
exist; but the annihilation of perception does not cancel the
existence of the perceptible. For perception implies a body
perceived and a body in which perception takes place. Now if that
which is perceptible is annihilated, it follows that the body is
annihilated, for the body is a perceptible thing; and if the body does
not exist, it follows that perception also ceases to exist. Thus the
annihilation of the perceptible involves that of perception.
But the annihilation of perception does not involve that of the
perceptible. For if the animal is annihilated, it follows that
perception also is annihilated, but perceptibles such as body, heat,
sweetness, bitterness, and so on, will remain.
Again, perception is generated at the same time as the perceiving
subject, for it comes into existence at the same time as the animal.
But the perceptible surely exists before perception; for fire and
water and such elements, out of which the animal is itself composed,
exist before the animal is an animal at all, and before perception.
Thus it would seem that the perceptible exists before perception.
It may be questioned whether it is true that no substance is
relative, as seems to be the case, or whether exception is to be
made in the case of certain secondary substances. With regard to
primary substances, it is quite true that there is no such
possibility, for neither wholes nor parts of primary substances are
relative. The individual man or ox is not defined with reference to
something external. Similarly with the parts: a particular hand or
head is not defined as a particular hand or head of a particular
person, but as the hand or head of a particular person. It is true
also, for the most part at least, in the case of secondary substances;
the species 'man' and the species 'ox' are not defined with
reference to anything outside themselves. Wood, again, is only
relative in so far as it is some one's property, not in so far as it
is wood. It is plain, then, that in the cases mentioned substance is
not relative. But with regard to some secondary substances there is
a difference of opinion; thus, such terms as 'head' and 'hand' are
defined with reference to that of which the things indicated are a
part, and so it comes about that these appear to have a relative
character. Indeed, if our definition of that which is relative was
complete, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to prove that no
substance is relative. If, however, our definition was not complete,
if those things only are properly called relative in the case of which
relation to an external object is a necessary condition of
existence, perhaps some explanation of the dilemma may be found.
The former definition does indeed apply to all relatives, but the
fact that a thing is explained with reference to something else does
not make it essentially relative.
From this it is plain that, if a man definitely apprehends a
relative thing, he will also definitely apprehend that to which it
is relative. Indeed this is self-evident: for if a man knows that some
particular thing is relative, assuming that we call that a relative in
the case of which relation to something is a necessary condition of
existence, he knows that also to which it is related. For if he does
not know at all that to which it is related, he will not know
whether or not it is relative. This is clear, moreover, in
particular instances. If a man knows definitely that such and such a
thing is 'double', he will also forthwith know definitely that of
which it is the double. For if there is nothing definite of which he
knows it to be the double, he does not know at all that it is
double. Again, if he knows that a thing is more beautiful, it
follows necessarily that he will forthwith definitely know that also
than which it is more beautiful. He will not merely know
indefinitely that it is more beautiful than something which is less
beautiful, for this would be supposition, not knowledge. For if he
does not know definitely that than which it is more beautiful, he
can no longer claim to know definitely that it is more beautiful
than something else which is less beautiful: for it might be that
nothing was less beautiful. It is, therefore, evident that if a man
apprehends some relative thing definitely, he necessarily knows that
also definitely to which it is related.
Now the head, the hand, and such things are substances, and it is
possible to know their essential character definitely, but it does not
necessarily follow that we should know that to which they are related.
It is not possible to know forthwith whose head or hand is meant. Thus
these are not relatives, and, this being the case, it would be true to
say that no substance is relative in character. It is perhaps a
difficult matter, in such cases, to make a positive statement
without more exhaustive examination, but to have raised questions with
regard to details is not without advantage.
8
By 'quality' I mean that in virtue of which people are said to be
such and such.
Quality is a term that is used in many senses. One sort of quality
let us call 'habit' or 'disposition'. Habit differs from disposition
in being more lasting and more firmly established. The various kinds
of knowledge and of virtue are habits, for knowledge, even when
acquired only in a moderate degree, is, it is agreed, abiding in its
character and difficult to displace, unless some great mental upheaval
takes place, through disease or any such cause. The virtues, also,
such as justice, self-restraint, and so on, are not easily dislodged
or dismissed, so as to give place to vice.
By a disposition, on the other hand, we mean a condition that is
easily changed and quickly gives place to its opposite. Thus, heat,
cold, disease, health, and so on are dispositions. For a man is
disposed in one way or another with reference to these, but quickly
changes, becoming cold instead of warm, ill instead of well. So it
is with all other dispositions also, unless through lapse of time a
disposition has itself become inveterate and almost impossible to
dislodge: in which case we should perhaps go so far as to call it a
habit.
It is evident that men incline to call those conditions habits which
are of a more or less permanent type and difficult to displace; for
those who are not retentive of knowledge, but volatile, are not said
to have such and such a 'habit' as regards knowledge, yet they are
disposed, we may say, either better or worse, towards knowledge.
Thus habit differs from disposition in this, that while the latter
in ephemeral, the former is permanent and difficult to alter.
Habits are at the same time dispositions, but dispositions are not
necessarily habits. For those who have some specific habit may be said
also, in virtue of that habit, to be thus or thus disposed; but
those who are disposed in some specific way have not in all cases
the corresponding habit.
Another sort of quality is that in virtue of which, for example,
we call men good boxers or runners, or healthy or sickly: in fact it
includes all those terms which refer to inborn capacity or incapacity.
Such things are not predicated of a person in virtue of his
disposition, but in virtue of his inborn capacity or incapacity to
do something with ease or to avoid defeat of any kind. Persons are
called good boxers or good runners, not in virtue of such and such a
disposition, but in virtue of an inborn capacity to accomplish
something with ease. Men are called healthy in virtue of the inborn
capacity of easy resistance to those unhealthy influences that may
ordinarily arise; unhealthy, in virtue of the lack of this capacity.
Similarly with regard to softness and hardness. Hardness is predicated
of a thing because it has that capacity of resistance which enables it
to withstand disintegration; softness, again, is predicated of a thing
by reason of the lack of that capacity.
A third class within this category is that of affective qualities
and affections. Sweetness, bitterness, sourness, are examples of
this sort of quality, together with all that is akin to these; heat,
moreover, and cold, whiteness, and blackness are affective
qualities. It is evident that these are qualities, for those things
that possess them are themselves said to be such and such by reason of
their presence. Honey is called sweet because it contains sweetness;
the body is called white because it contains whiteness; and so in
all other cases.
The term 'affective quality' is not used as indicating that those
things which admit these qualities are affected in any way. Honey is
not called sweet because it is affected in a specific way, nor is this
what is meant in any other instance. Similarly heat and cold are
called affective qualities, not because those things which admit
them are affected. What is meant is that these said qualities are
capable of producing an 'affection' in the way of perception. For
sweetness has the power of affecting the sense of taste; heat, that of
touch; and so it is with the rest of these qualities.
Whiteness and blackness, however, and the other colours, are not
said to be affective qualities in this sense, but -because they
themselves are the results of an affection. It is plain that many
changes of colour take place because of affections. When a man is
ashamed, he blushes; when he is afraid, he becomes pale, and so on. So
true is this, that when a man is by nature liable to such
affections, arising from some concomitance of elements in his
constitution, it is a probable inference that he has the corresponding
complexion of skin. For the same disposition of bodily elements, which
in the former instance was momentarily present in the case of an
access of shame, might be a result of a man's natural temperament,
so as to produce the corresponding colouring also as a natural
characteristic. All conditions, therefore, of this kind, if caused
by certain permanent and lasting affections, are called affective
qualities. For pallor and duskiness of complexion are called
qualities, inasmuch as we are said to be such and such in virtue of
them, not only if they originate in natural constitution, but also
if they come about through long disease or sunburn, and are
difficult to remove, or indeed remain throughout life. For in the same
way we are said to be such and such because of these.
Those conditions, however, which arise from causes which may
easily be rendered ineffective or speedily removed, are called, not
qualities, but affections: for we are not said to be such virtue of
them. The man who blushes through shame is not said to be a
constitutional blusher, nor is the man who becomes pale through fear
said to be constitutionally pale. He is said rather to have been
affected.
Thus such conditions are called affections, not qualities.
In like manner there are affective qualities and affections of the
soul. That temper with which a man is born and which has its origin in
certain deep-seated affections is called a quality. I mean such
conditions as insanity, irascibility, and so on: for people are said
to be mad or irascible in virtue of these. Similarly those abnormal
psychic states which are not inborn, but arise from the concomitance
of certain other elements, and are difficult to remove, or
altogether permanent, are called qualities, for in virtue of them
men are said to be such and such.
Those, however, which arise from causes easily rendered
ineffective are called affections, not qualities. Suppose that a man
is irritable when vexed: he is not even spoken of as a bad-tempered
man, when in such circumstances he loses his temper somewhat, but
rather is said to be affected. Such conditions are therefore termed,
not qualities, but affections.
The fourth sort of quality is figure and the shape that belongs to a
thing; and besides this, straightness and curvedness and any other
qualities of this type; each of these defines a thing as being such
and such. Because it is triangular or quadrangular a thing is said
to have a specific character, or again because it is straight or
curved; in fact a thing's shape in every case gives rise to a
qualification of it.
Rarity and density, roughness and smoothness, seem to be terms
indicating quality: yet these, it would appear, really belong to a
class different from that of quality. For it is rather a certain
relative position of the parts composing the thing thus qualified
which, it appears, is indicated by each of these terms. A thing is
dense, owing to the fact that its parts are closely combined with
one another; rare, because there are interstices between the parts;
smooth, because its parts lie, so to speak, evenly; rough, because
some parts project beyond others.
There may be other sorts of quality, but those that are most
properly so called have, we may safely say, been enumerated.
These, then, are qualities, and the things that take their name from
them as derivatives, or are in some other way dependent on them, are
said to be qualified in some specific way. In most, indeed in almost
all cases, the name of that which is qualified is derived from that of
the quality. Thus the terms 'whiteness', 'grammar', 'justice', give us
the adjectives 'white', 'grammatical', 'just', and so on.
There are some cases, however, in which, as the quality under
consideration has no name, it is impossible that those possessed of it
should have a name that is derivative. For instance, the name given to
the runner or boxer, who is so called in virtue of an inborn capacity,
is not derived from that of any quality; for lob those capacities have
no name assigned to them. In this, the inborn capacity is distinct
from the science, with reference to which men are called, e.g.
boxers or wrestlers. Such a science is classed as a disposition; it
has a name, and is called 'boxing' or 'wrestling' as the case may
be, and the name given to those disposed in this way is derived from
that of the science. Sometimes, even though a name exists for the
quality, that which takes its character from the quality has a name
that is not a derivative. For instance, the upright man takes his
character from the possession of the quality of integrity, but the
name given him is not derived from the word 'integrity'. Yet this does
not occur often.
We may therefore state that those things are said to be possessed of
some specific quality which have a name derived from that of the
aforesaid quality, or which are in some other way dependent on it.
One quality may be the contrary of another; thus justice is the
contrary of injustice, whiteness of blackness, and so on. The
things, also, which are said to be such and such in virtue of these
qualities, may be contrary the one to the other; for that which is
unjust is contrary to that which is just, that which is white to
that which is black. This, however, is not always the case. Red,
yellow, and such colours, though qualities, have no contraries.
If one of two contraries is a quality, the other will also be a
quality. This will be evident from particular instances, if we apply
the names
used to denote the other categories; for instance, granted that
justice is the contrary of injustice and justice is a quality,
injustice will also be a quality: neither quantity, nor relation,
nor place, nor indeed any other category but that of quality, will
be applicable properly to injustice. So it is with all other
contraries falling under the category of quality.
Qualities admit of variation of degree. Whiteness is predicated of
one thing in a greater or less degree than of another. This is also
the case with reference to justice. Moreover, one and the same thing
may exhibit a quality in a greater degree than it did before: if a
thing is white, it may become whiter.
Though this is generally the case, there are exceptions. For if we
should say that justice admitted of variation of degree,
difficulties might ensue, and this is true with regard to all those
qualities which are dispositions. There are some, indeed, who
dispute the possibility of variation here. They maintain that
justice and health cannot very well admit of variation of degree
themselves, but that people vary in the degree in which they possess
these qualities, and that this is the case with grammatical learning
and all those qualities which are classed as dispositions. However
that may be, it is an incontrovertible fact that the things which in
virtue of these qualities are said to be what they are vary in the
degree in which they possess them; for one man is said to be better
versed in grammar, or more healthy or just, than another, and so on.
The qualities expressed by the terms 'triangular' and 'quadrangular'
do not appear to admit of variation of degree, nor indeed do any
that have to do with figure. For those things to which the
definition of the triangle or circle is applicable are all equally
triangular or circular. Those, on the other hand, to which the same
definition is not applicable, cannot be said to differ from one
another in degree; the square is no more a circle than the
rectangle, for to neither is the definition of the circle appropriate.
In short, if the definition of the term proposed is not applicable
to both objects, they cannot be compared. Thus it is not all qualities
which admit of variation of degree.
Whereas none of the characteristics I have mentioned are peculiar to
quality, the fact that likeness and unlikeness can be predicated
with reference to quality only, gives to that category its distinctive
feature. One thing is like another only with reference to that in
virtue of which it is such and such; thus this forms the peculiar mark
of quality.
We must not be disturbed because it may be argued that, though
proposing to discuss the category of quality, we have included in it
many relative terms. We did say that habits and dispositions were
relative. In practically all such cases the genus is relative, the
individual not. Thus knowledge, as a genus, is explained by
reference to something else, for we mean a knowledge of something. But
particular branches of knowledge are not thus explained. The knowledge
of grammar is not relative to anything external, nor is the
knowledge of music, but these, if relative at all, are relative only
in virtue of their genera; thus grammar is said be the knowledge of
something, not the grammar of something; similarly music is the
knowledge of something, not the music of something.
Thus individual branches of knowledge are not relative. And it is
because we possess these individual branches of knowledge that we
are said to be such and such. It is these that we actually possess: we
are called experts because we possess knowledge in some particular
branch. Those particular branches, therefore, of knowledge, in
virtue of which we are sometimes said to be such and such, are
themselves qualities, and are not relative. Further, if anything
should happen to fall within both the category of quality and that
of relation, there would be nothing extraordinary in classing it under
both these heads.
9
Action and affection both admit of contraries and also of
variation of degree. Heating is the contrary of cooling, being
heated of being cooled, being glad of being vexed. Thus they admit
of contraries. They also admit of variation of degree: for it is
possible to heat in a greater or less degree; also to be heated in a
greater or less degree. Thus action and affection also admit of
variation of degree. So much, then, is stated with regard to these
categories.
We spoke, moreover, of the category of position when we were dealing
with that of relation, and stated that such terms derived their
names from those of the corresponding attitudes.
As for the rest, time, place, state, since they are easily
intelligible, I say no more about them than was said at the beginning,
that in the category of state are included such states as 'shod',
'armed', in that of place 'in the Lyceum' and so on, as was
explained before.
10
The proposed categories have, then, been adequately dealt with.
We must next explain the various senses in which the term 'opposite'
is used. Things are said to be opposed in four senses: (i) as
correlatives to one another, (ii) as contraries to one another,
(iii) as privatives to positives, (iv) as affirmatives to negatives.
Let me sketch my meaning in outline. An instance of the use of the
word 'opposite' with reference to correlatives is afforded by the
expressions 'double' and 'half'; with reference to contraries by 'bad'
and 'good'. Opposites in the sense of 'privatives' and 'positives'
are' blindness' and 'sight'; in the sense of affirmatives and
negatives, the propositions 'he sits', 'he does not sit'.
(i) Pairs of opposites which fall under the category of relation are
explained by a reference of the one to the other, the reference
being indicated by the preposition 'of' or by some other
preposition. Thus, double is a relative term, for that which is double
is explained as the double of something. Knowledge, again, is the
opposite of the thing known, in the same sense; and the thing known
also is explained by its relation to its opposite, knowledge. For
the thing known is explained as that which is known by something, that
is, by knowledge. Such things, then, as are opposite the one to the
other in the sense of being correlatives are explained by a
reference of the one to the other.
(ii) Pairs of opposites which are contraries are not in any way
interdependent, but are contrary the one to the other. The good is not
spoken of as the good of the had, but as the contrary of the bad,
nor is white spoken of as the white of the black, but as the
contrary of the black. These two types of opposition are therefore
distinct. Those contraries which are such that the subjects in which
they are naturally present, or of which they are predicated, must
necessarily contain either the one or the other of them, have no
intermediate, but those in the case of which no such necessity
obtains, always have an intermediate. Thus disease and health are
naturally present in the body of an animal, and it is necessary that
either the one or the other should be present in the body of an
animal. Odd and even, again, are predicated of number, and it is
necessary that the one or the other should be present in numbers.
Now there is no intermediate between the terms of either of these
two pairs. On the other hand, in those contraries with regard to which
no such necessity obtains, we find an intermediate. Blackness and
whiteness are naturally present in the body, but it is not necessary
that either the one or the other should be present in the body,
inasmuch as it is not true to say that everybody must be white or
black. Badness and goodness, again, are predicated of man, and of many
other things, but it is not necessary that either the one quality or
the other should be present in that of which they are predicated: it
is not true to say that everything that may be good or bad must be
either good or bad. These pairs of contraries have intermediates:
the intermediates between white and black are grey, sallow, and all
the other colours that come between; the intermediate between good and
bad is that which is neither the one nor the other.
Some intermediate qualities have names, such as grey and sallow
and all the other colours that come between white and black; in
other cases, however, it is not easy to name the intermediate, but
we must define it as that which is not either extreme, as in the
case of that which is neither good nor bad, neither just nor unjust.
(iii) 'privatives' and 'Positives' have reference to the same
subject. Thus, sight and blindness have reference to the eye. It is
a universal rule that each of a pair of opposites of this type has
reference to that to which the particular 'positive' is natural. We
say that that is capable of some particular faculty or possession
has suffered privation when the faculty or possession in question is
in no way present in that in which, and at the time at which, it
should naturally be present. We do not call that toothless which has
not teeth, or that blind which has not sight, but rather that which
has not teeth or sight at the time when by nature it should. For there
are some creatures which from birth are without sight, or without
teeth, but these are not called toothless or blind.
To be without some faculty or to possess it is not the same as the
corresponding 'privative' or 'positive'. 'Sight' is a 'positive',
'blindness' a 'privative', but 'to possess sight' is not equivalent to
'sight', 'to be blind' is not equivalent to 'blindness'. Blindness
is a 'privative', to be blind is to be in a state of privation, but is
not a 'privative'. Moreover, if 'blindness' were equivalent to
'being blind', both would be predicated of the same subject; but
though a man is said to be blind, he is by no means said to be
blindness.
To be in a state of 'possession' is, it appears, the opposite of
being in a state of 'privation', just as 'positives' and
'privatives' themselves are opposite. There is the same type of
antithesis in both cases; for just as blindness is opposed to sight,
so is being blind opposed to having sight.
That which is affirmed or denied is not itself affirmation or
denial. By 'affirmation' we mean an affirmative proposition, by
'denial' a negative. Now, those facts which form the matter of the
affirmation or denial are not propositions; yet these two are said
to be opposed in the same sense as the affirmation and denial, for
in this case also the type of antithesis is the same. For as the
affirmation is opposed to the denial, as in the two propositions 'he
sits', 'he does not sit', so also the fact which constitutes the
matter of the proposition in one case is opposed to that in the other,
his sitting, that is to say, to his not sitting.
It is evident that 'positives' and 'privatives' are not opposed each
to each in the same sense as relatives. The one is not explained by
reference to the other; sight is not sight of blindness, nor is any
other preposition used to indicate the relation. Similarly blindness
is not said to be blindness of sight, but rather, privation of
sight. Relatives, moreover, reciprocate; if blindness, therefore, were
a relative, there would be a reciprocity of relation between it and
that with which it was correlative. But this is not the case. Sight is
not called the sight of blindness.
That those terms which fall under the heads of 'positives' and
'privatives' are not opposed each to each as contraries, either, is
plain from the following facts: Of a pair of contraries such that they
have no intermediate, one or the other must needs be present in the
subject in which they naturally subsist, or of which they are
predicated; for it is those, as we proved,' in the case of which
this necessity obtains, that have no intermediate. Moreover, we
cited health and disease, odd and even, as instances. But those
contraries which have an intermediate are not subject to any such
necessity. It is not necessary that every substance, receptive of such
qualities, should be either black or white, cold or hot, for something
intermediate between these contraries may very well be present in
the subject. We proved, moreover, that those contraries have an
intermediate in the case of which the said necessity does not
obtain. Yet when one of the two contraries is a constitutive
property of the subject, as it is a constitutive property of fire to
be hot, of snow to be white, it is necessary determinately that one of
the two contraries, not one or the other, should be present in the
subject; for fire cannot be cold, or snow black. Thus, it is not the
case here that one of the two must needs be present in every subject
receptive of these qualities, but only in that subject of which the
one forms a constitutive property. Moreover, in such cases it is one
member of the pair determinately, and not either the one or the other,
which must be present.
In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', on the other hand,
neither of the aforesaid statements holds good. For it is not
necessary that a subject receptive of the qualities should always have
either the one or the other; that which has not yet advanced to the
state when sight is natural is not said either to be blind or to
see. Thus 'positives' and 'privatives' do not belong to that class
of contraries which consists of those which have no intermediate. On
the other hand, they do not belong either to that class which consists
of contraries which have an intermediate. For under certain conditions
it is necessary that either the one or the other should form part of
the constitution of every appropriate subject. For when a thing has
reached the stage when it is by nature capable of sight, it will be
said either to see or to be blind, and that in an indeterminate sense,
signifying that the capacity may be either present or absent; for it
is not necessary either that it should see or that it should be blind,
but that it should be either in the one state or in the other. Yet
in the case of those contraries which have an intermediate we found
that it was never necessary that either the one or the other should be
present in every appropriate subject, but only that in certain
subjects one of the pair should be present, and that in a
determinate sense. It is, therefore, plain that 'positives' and
'privatives' are not opposed each to each in either of the senses in
which contraries are opposed.
Again, in the case of contraries, it is possible that there should
be changes from either into the other, while the subject retains its
identity, unless indeed one of the contraries is a constitutive
property of that subject, as heat is of fire. For it is possible
that that that which is healthy should become diseased, that which
is white, black, that which is cold, hot, that which is good, bad,
that which is bad, good. The bad man, if he is being brought into a
better way of life and thought, may make some advance, however slight,
and if he should once improve, even ever so little, it is plain that
he might change completely, or at any rate make very great progress;
for a man becomes more and more easily moved to virtue, however
small the improvement was at first. It is, therefore, natural to
suppose that he will make yet greater progress than he has made in the
past; and as this process goes on, it will change him completely and
establish him in the contrary state, provided he is not hindered by
lack of time. In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', however,
change in both directions is impossible. There may be a change from
possession to privation, but not from privation to possession. The man
who has become blind does not regain his sight; the man who has become
bald does not regain his hair; the man who has lost his teeth does not
grow his grow a new set. (iv) Statements opposed as affirmation and
negation belong manifestly to a class which is distinct, for in this
case, and in this case only, it is necessary for the one opposite to
be true and the other false.
Neither in the case of contraries, nor in the case of
correlatives, nor in the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', is it
necessary for one to be true and the other false. Health and disease
are contraries: neither of them is true or false. 'Double' and
'half' are opposed to each other as correlatives: neither of them is
true or false. The case is the same, of course, with regard to
'positives' and 'privatives' such as 'sight' and 'blindness'. In
short, where there is no sort of combination of words, truth and
falsity have no place, and all the opposites we have mentioned so
far consist of simple words.
At the same time, when the words which enter into opposed statements
are contraries, these, more than any other set of opposites, would
seem to claim this characteristic. 'Socrates is ill' is the contrary
of 'Socrates is well', but not even of such composite expressions is
it true to say that one of the pair must always be true and the
other false. For if Socrates exists, one will be true and the other
false, but if he does not exist, both will be false; for neither
'Socrates is ill' nor 'Socrates is well' is true, if Socrates does not
exist at all.
In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', if the subject does not
exist at all, neither proposition is true, but even if the subject
exists, it is not always the fact that one is true and the other
false. For 'Socrates has sight' is the opposite of 'Socrates is blind'
in the sense of the word 'opposite' which applies to possession and
privation. Now if Socrates exists, it is not necessary that one should
be true and the other false, for when he is not yet able to acquire
the power of vision, both are false, as also if Socrates is altogether
non-existent.
But in the case of affirmation and negation, whether the subject
exists or not, one is always false and the other true. For manifestly,
if Socrates exists, one of the two propositions 'Socrates is ill',
'Socrates is not ill', is true, and the other false. This is
likewise the case if he does not exist; for if he does not exist, to
say that he is ill is false, to say that he is not ill is true. Thus
it is in the case of those opposites only, which are opposite in the
sense in which the term is used with reference to affirmation and
negation, that the rule holds good, that one of the pair must be
true and the other false.
11
That the contrary of a good is an evil is shown by induction: the
contrary of health is disease, of courage, cowardice, and so on. But
the contrary of an evil is sometimes a good, sometimes an evil. For
defect, which is an evil, has excess for its contrary, this also being
an evil, and the mean. which is a good, is equally the contrary of the
one and of the other. It is only in a few cases, however, that we
see instances of this: in most, the contrary of an evil is a good.
In the case of contraries, it is not always necessary that if one
exists the other should also exist: for if all become healthy there
will be health and no disease, and again, if everything turns white,
there will be white, but no black. Again, since the fact that Socrates
is ill is the contrary of the fact that Socrates is well, and two
contrary conditions cannot both obtain in one and the same
individual at the same time, both these contraries could not exist
at once: for if that Socrates was well was a fact, then that
Socrates was ill could not possibly be one.
It is plain that contrary attributes must needs be present in
subjects which belong to the same species or genus. Disease and health
require as their subject the body of an animal; white and black
require a body, without further qualification; justice and injustice
require as their subject the human soul.
Moreover, it is necessary that pairs of contraries should in all
cases either belong to the same genus or belong to contrary genera
or be themselves genera. White and black belong to the same genus,
colour; justice and injustice, to contrary genera, virtue and vice;
while good and evil do not belong to genera, but are themselves actual
genera, with terms under them.
12
There are four senses in which one thing can be said to be 'prior'
to another. Primarily and most properly the term has reference to
time: in this sense the word is used to indicate that one thing is
older or more ancient than another, for the expressions 'older' and
'more ancient' imply greater length of time.
Secondly, one thing is said to be 'prior' to another when the
sequence of their being cannot be reversed. In this sense 'one' is
'prior' to 'two'. For if 'two' exists, it follows directly that
'one' must exist, but if 'one' exists, it does not follow
necessarily that 'two' exists: thus the sequence subsisting cannot
be reversed. It is agreed, then, that when the sequence of two
things cannot be reversed, then that one on which the other depends is
called 'prior' to that other.
In the third place, the term 'prior' is used with reference to any
order, as in the case of science and of oratory. For in sciences which
use demonstration there is that which is prior and that which is
posterior in order; in geometry, the elements are prior to the
propositions; in reading and writing, the letters of the alphabet
are prior to the syllables. Similarly, in the case of speeches, the
exordium is prior in order to the narrative.
Besides these senses of the word, there is a fourth. That which is
better and more honourable is said to have a natural priority. In
common parlance men speak of those whom they honour and love as
'coming first' with them. This sense of the word is perhaps the most
far-fetched.
Such, then, are the different senses in which the term 'prior' is
used.
Yet it would seem that besides those mentioned there is yet another.
For in those things, the being of each of which implies that of the
other, that which is in any way the cause may reasonably be said to be
by nature 'prior' to the effect. It is plain that there are
instances of this. The fact of the being of a man carries with it
the truth of the proposition that he is, and the implication is
reciprocal: for if a man is, the proposition wherein we allege that he
is true, and conversely, if the proposition wherein we allege that
he is true, then he is. The true proposition, however, is in no way
the cause of the being of the man, but the fact of the man's being
does seem somehow to be the cause of the truth of the proposition, for
the truth or falsity of the proposition depends on the fact of the
man's being or not being.
Thus the word 'prior' may be used in five senses.
13
The term 'simultaneous' is primarily and most appropriately
applied to those things the genesis of the one of which is
simultaneous with that of the other; for in such cases neither is
prior or posterior to the other. Such things are said to be
simultaneous in point of time. Those things, again, are 'simultaneous'
in point of nature, the being of each of which involves that of the
other, while at the same time neither is the cause of the other's
being. This is the case with regard to the double and the half, for
these are reciprocally dependent, since, if there is a double, there
is also a half, and if there is a half, there is also a double,
while at the same time neither is the cause of the being of the other.
Again, those species which are distinguished one from another and
opposed one to another within the same genus are said to be
'simultaneous' in nature. I mean those species which are
distinguished each from each by one and the same method of division.
Thus the 'winged' species is simultaneous with the 'terrestrial' and
the 'water' species. These are distinguished within the same genus,
and are opposed each to each, for the genus 'animal' has the 'winged',
the 'terrestrial', and the 'water' species, and no one of these is
prior or posterior to another; on the contrary, all such things appear
to be 'simultaneous' in nature. Each of these also, the terrestrial,
the winged, and the water species, can be divided again into
subspecies. Those species, then, also will be 'simultaneous' point
of nature, which, belonging to the same genus, are distinguished
each from each by one and the same method of differentiation.
But genera are prior to species, for the sequence of their being
cannot be reversed. If there is the species 'water-animal', there will
be the genus 'animal', but granted the being of the genus 'animal', it
does not follow necessarily that there will be the species
'water-animal'.
Those things, therefore, are said to be 'simultaneous' in nature,
the being of each of which involves that of the other, while at the
same time neither is in any way the cause of the other's being;
those species, also, which are distinguished each from each and
opposed within the same genus. Those things, moreover, are
'simultaneous' in the unqualified sense of the word which come into
being at the same time.
14
There are six sorts of movement: generation, destruction,
increase, diminution, alteration, and change of place.
It is evident in all but one case that all these sorts of movement
are distinct each from each. Generation is distinct from
destruction, increase and change of place from diminution, and so
on. But in the case of alteration it may be argued that the process
necessarily implies one or other of the other five sorts of motion.
This is not true, for we may say that all affections, or nearly all,
produce in us an alteration which is distinct from all other sorts
of motion, for that which is affected need not suffer either
increase or diminution or any of the other sorts of motion. Thus
alteration is a distinct sort of motion; for, if it were not, the
thing altered would not only be altered, but would forthwith
necessarily suffer increase or diminution or some one of the other
sorts of motion in addition; which as a matter of fact is not the
case. Similarly that which was undergoing the process of increase or
was subject to some other sort of motion would, if alteration were not
a distinct form of motion, necessarily be subject to alteration
also. But there are some things which undergo increase but yet not
alteration. The square, for instance, if a gnomon is applied to it,
undergoes increase but not alteration, and so it is with all other
figures of this sort. Alteration and increase, therefore, are
distinct.
Speaking generally, rest is the contrary of motion. But the
different forms of motion have their own contraries in other forms;
thus destruction is the contrary of generation, diminution of
increase, rest in a place, of change of place. As for this last,
change in the reverse direction would seem to be most truly its
contrary; thus motion upwards is the contrary of motion downwards
and vice versa.
In the case of that sort of motion which yet remains, of those
that have been enumerated, it is not easy to state what is its
contrary. It appears to have no contrary, unless one should define the
contrary here also either as 'rest in its quality' or as 'change in
the direction of the contrary quality', just as we defined the
contrary of change of place either as rest in a place or as change
in the reverse direction. For a thing is altered when change of
quality takes place; therefore either rest in its quality or change in
the direction of the contrary may be called the contrary of this
qualitative form of motion. In this way becoming white is the contrary
of becoming black; there is alteration in the contrary direction,
since a change of a qualitative nature takes place.
15
The term 'to have' is used in various senses. In the first place
it is used with reference to habit or disposition or any other
quality, for we are said to 'have' a piece of knowledge or a virtue.
Then, again, it has reference to quantity, as, for instance, in the
case of a man's height; for he is said to 'have' a height of three
or four cubits. It is used, moreover, with regard to apparel, a man
being said to 'have' a coat or tunic; or in respect of something which
we have on a part of ourselves, as a ring on the hand: or in respect
of something which is a part of us, as hand or foot. The term refers
also to content, as in the case of a vessel and wheat, or of a jar and
wine; a jar is said to 'have' wine, and a corn-measure wheat. The
expression in such cases has reference to content. Or it refers to
that which has been acquired; we are said to 'have' a house or a
field. A man is also said to 'have' a wife, and a wife a husband,
and this appears to be the most remote meaning of the term, for by the
use of it we mean simply that the husband lives with the wife.
Other senses of the word might perhaps be found, but the most
ordinary ones have all been enumerated.
-THE END-
350 BC
by Aristotle
translated by J. I. Beare
1
WE must, in the next place, investigate the subject of the dream,
and first inquire to which of the faculties of the soul it presents
itself, i.e. whether the affection is one which pertains to the
faculty of intelligence or to that of sense-perception; for these
are the only faculties within us by which we acquire knowledge.
If, then, the exercise of the faculty of sight is actual seeing,
that of the auditory faculty, hearing, and, in general that of the
faculty of sense-perception, perceiving; and if there are some
perceptions common to the senses, such as figure, magnitude, motion,
&c., while there are others, as colour, sound, taste, peculiar [each
to its own sense]; and further, if all creatures, when the eyes are
closed in sleep, are unable to see, and the analogous statement is
true of the other senses, so that manifestly we perceive nothing
when asleep; we may conclude that it is not by sense-perception we
perceive a dream.
But neither is it by opinion that we do so. For [in dreams] we not
only assert, e.g. that some object approaching is a man or a horse
[which would be an exercise of opinion], but that the object is
white or beautiful, points on which opinion without sense-perception
asserts nothing either truly or falsely. It is, however, a fact that
the soul makes such assertions in sleep. We seem to see equally well
that the approaching figure is a man, and that it is white. [In
dreams], too, we think something else, over and above the dream
presentation, just as we do in waking moments when we perceive
something; for we often also reason about that which we perceive.
So, too, in sleep we sometimes have thoughts other than the mere
phantasms immediately before our minds. This would be manifest to
any one who should attend and try, immediately on arising from
sleep, to remember [his dreaming experience]. There are cases of
persons who have seen such dreams, those, for example, who believe
themselves to be mentally arranging a given list of subjects according
to the mnemonic rule. They frequently find themselves engaged in
something else besides the dream, viz. in setting a phantasm which
they envisage into its mnemonic position. Hence it is plain that not
every 'phantasm' in sleep is a mere dream-image, and that the
further thinking which we perform then is due to an exercise of the
faculty of opinion.
So much at least is plain on all these points, viz. that the faculty
by which, in waking hours, we are subject to illusion when affected by
disease, is identical with that which produces illusory effects in
sleep. So, even when persons are in excellent health, and know the
facts of the case perfectly well, the sun, nevertheless, appears to
them to be only a foot wide. Now, whether the presentative faculty
of the soul be identical with, or different from, the faculty of
sense-perception, in either case the illusion does not occur without
our actually seeing or [otherwise] perceiving something. Even to see
wrongly or to hear wrongly can happen only to one who sees or hears
something real, though not exactly what he supposes. But we have
assumed that in sleep one neither sees, nor hears, nor exercises any
sense whatever. Perhaps we may regard it as true that the dreamer sees
nothing, yet as false that his faculty of sense-perception is
unaffected, the fact being that the sense of seeing and the other
senses may possibly be then in a certain way affected, while each of
these affections, as duly as when he is awake, gives its impulse in
a certain manner to his [primary] faculty of sense, though not in
precisely the same manner as when he is awake. Sometimes, too, opinion
says [to dreamers] just as to those who are awake, that the object
seen is an illusion; at other times it is inhibited, and becomes a
mere follower of the phantasm.
It is plain therefore that this affection, which we name 'dreaming',
is no mere exercise of opinion or intelligence, but yet is not an
affection of the faculty of perception in the simple sense. If it were
the latter it would be possible [when asleep] to hear and see in the
simple sense.
How then, and in what manner, it takes place, is what we have to
examine. Let us assume, what is indeed clear enough, that the
affection [of dreaming] pertains to sense-perception as surely as
sleep itself does. For sleep does not pertain to one organ in
animals and dreaming to another; both pertain to the same organ.
But since we have, in our work On the Soul, treated of presentation,
and the faculty of presentation is identical with that of
sense-perception, though the essential notion of a faculty of
presentation is different from that of a faculty of
sense-perception; and since presentation is the movement set up by a
sensory faculty when actually discharging its function, while a
dream appears to be a presentation (for a presentation which occurs in
sleep-whether simply or in some particular way-is what we call a
dream): it manifestly follows that dreaming is an activity of the
faculty of sense-perception, but belongs to this faculty qua
presentative.
2
We can best obtain a scientific view of the nature of the dream
and the manner in which it originates by regarding it in the light
of the circumstances attending sleep. The objects of
sense-perception corresponding to each sensory organ produce
sense-perception in us, and the affection due to their operation is
present in the organs of sense not only when the perceptions are
actualized, but even when they have departed.
What happens in these cases may be compared with what happens in the
case of projectiles moving in space. For in the case of these the
movement continues even when that which set up the movement is no
longer in contact [with the things that are moved]. For that which set
them in motion moves a certain portion of air, and this, in turn,
being moved excites motion in another portion; and so, accordingly, it
is in this way that [the bodies], whether in air or in liquids,
continue moving, until they come to a standstill.
This we must likewise assume to happen in the case of qualitative
change; for that part which [for example] has been heated by something
hot, heats [in turn] the part next to it, and this propagates the
affection continuously onwards until the process has come round to its
oint of origination. This must also happen in the organ wherein the
exercise of sense-perception takes place, since sense-perception, as
realized in actual perceiving, is a mode of qualitative change. This
explains why the affection continues in the sensory organs, both in
their deeper and in their more superficial parts, not merely while
they are actually engaged in perceiving, but even after they have
ceased to do so. That they do this, indeed, is obvious in cases
where we continue for some time engaged in a particular form of
perception, for then, when we shift the scene of our perceptive
activity, the previous affection remains; for instance, when we have
turned our gaze from sunlight into darkness. For the result of this is
that one sees nothing, owing to the excited by the light still
subsisting in our eyes. Also, when we have looked steadily for a
long while at one colour, e.g. at white or green, that to which we
next transfer our gaze appears to be of the same colour. Again if,
after having looked at the sun or some other brilliant object, we
close the eyes, then, if we watch carefully, it appears in a right
line with the direction of vision (whatever this may be), at first
in its own colour; then it changes to crimson, next to purple, until
it becomes black and disappears. And also when persons turn away
from looking at objects in motion, e.g. rivers, and especially those
which flow very rapidly, they find that the visual stimulations
still present themselves, for the things really at rest are then
seen moving: persons become very deaf after hearing loud noises, and
after smelling very strong odours their power of smelling is impaired;
and similarly in other cases. These phenomena manifestly take place in
the way above described.
That the sensory organs are acutely sensitive to even a slight
qualitative difference [in their objects] is shown by what happens
in the case of mirrors; a subject to which, even taking it
independently, one might devote close consideration and inquiry. At
the same time it becomes plain from them that as the eye [in seeing]
is affected [by the object seen], so also it produces a certain effect
upon it. If a woman chances during her menstrual period to look into a
highly polished mirror, the surface of it will grow cloudy with a
blood-coloured haze. It is very hard to remove this stain from a new
mirror, but easier to remove from an older mirror. As we have said
before, the cause of this lies in the fact that in the act of sight
there occurs not only a passion in the sense organ acted on by the
polished surface, but the organ, as an agent, also produces an action,
as is proper to a brilliant object. For sight is the property of an
organ possessing brilliance and colour. The eyes, therefore, have
their proper action as have other parts of the body. Because it is
natural to the eye to be filled with blood-vessels, a woman's eyes,
during the period of menstrual flux and inflammation, will undergo a
change, although her husband will not note this since his seed is of
the same nature as that of his wife. The surrounding atmosphere,
through which operates the action of sight, and which surrounds the
mirror also, will undergo a change of the same sort that occurred
shortly before in the woman's eyes, and hence the surface of the
mirror is likewise affected. And as in the case of a garment, the
cleaner it is the more quickly it is soiled, so the same holds true in
the case of the mirror. For anything that is clean will show quite
clearly a stain that it chances to receive, and the cleanest object
shows up even the slightest stain. A bronze mirror, because of its
shininess, is especially sensitive to any sort of contact (the
movement of the surrounding air acts upon it like a rubbing or
pressing or wiping); on that account, therefore, what is clean will
show up clearly the slightest touch on its surface. It is hard to
cleanse smudges off new mirrors because the stain penetrates deeply
and is suffused to all parts; it penetrates deeply because the
mirror is not a dense medium, and is suffused widely because of the
smoothness of the object. On the other hand, in the case of old
mirrors, stains do not remain because they do not penetrate deeply,
but only smudge the surface.
From this therefore it is plain that stimulatory motion is set up
even by slight differences, and that sense-perception is quick to
respond to it; and further that the organ which perceives colour is
not only affected by its object, but also reacts upon it. Further
evidence to the same point is afforded by what takes place in wines,
and in the manufacture of unguents. For both oil, when prepared, and
wine become rapidly infected by the odours of the things near them;
they not only acquire the odours of the things thrown into or mixed
with them, but also those of the things which are placed, or which
grow, near the vessels containing them.
In order to answer our original question, let us now, therefore,
assume one proposition, which is clear from what precedes, viz. that
even when the external object of perception has departed, the
impressions it has made persist, and are themselves objects of
perception: and [let us assume], besides, that we are easily
deceived respecting the operations of sense-perception when we are
excited by emotions, and different persons according to their
different emotions; for example, the coward when excited by fear,
the amorous person by amorous desire; so that, with but little
resemblance to go upon, the former thinks he sees his foes
approaching, the latter, that he sees the object of his desire; and
the more deeply one is under the influence of the emotion, the less
similarity is required to give rise to these illusory impressions.
Thus too, both in fits of anger, and also in all states of appetite,
all men become easily deceived, and more so the more their emotions
are excited. This is the reason too why persons in the delirium of
fever sometimes think they see animals on their chamber walls, an
illusion arising from the faint resemblance to animals of the markings
thereon when put together in patterns; and this sometimes
corresponds with the emotional states of the sufferers, in such a
way that, if the latter be not very ill, they know well enough that it
is an illusion; but if the illness is more severe they actually move
according to the appearances. The cause of these occurrences is that
the faculty in virtue of which the controlling sense judges is not
identical with that in virtue of which presentations come before the
mind. A proof of this is, that the sun presents itself as only a
foot in diameter, though often something else gainsays the
presentation. Again, when the fingers are crossed, the one object
[placed between them] is felt [by the touch] as two; but yet we deny
that it is two; for sight is more authoritative than touch. Yet, if
touch stood alone, we should actually have pronounced the one object
to be two. The ground of such false judgements is that any appearances
whatever present themselves, not only when its object stimulates a
sense, but also when the sense by itself alone is stimulated, provided
only it be stimulated in the same manner as it is by the object. For
example, to persons sailing past the land seems to move, when it is
really the eye that is being moved by something else [the moving ship.]
3
From this it is manifest that the stimulatory movements based upon
sensory impressions, whether the latter are derived from external
objects or from causes within the body, present themselves not only
when persons are awake, but also then, when this affection which is
called sleep has come upon them, with even greater impressiveness. For
by day, while the senses and the intellect are working together,
they (i.e. such movements) are extruded from consciousness or
obscured, just as a smaller is beside a larger fire, or as small
beside great pains or pleasures, though, as soon as the latter have
ceased, even those which are trifling emerge into notice. But by night
[i.e. in sleep] owing to the inaction of the particular senses, and
their powerlessness to realize themselves, which arises from the
reflux of the hot from the exterior parts to the interior, they
[i.e. the above 'movements'] are borne in to the head quarters of
sense-perception, and there display themselves as the disturbance
(of waking life) subsides. We must suppose that, like the little
eddies which are being ever formed in rivers, so the sensory movements
are each a continuous process, often remaining like what they were
when first started, but often, too, broken into other forms by
collisions with obstacles. This [last mentioned point], moreover,
gives the reason why no dreams occur in sleep immediately after meals,
or to sleepers who are extremely young, e.g. to infants. The
internal movement in such cases is excessive, owing to the heat
generated from the food. Hence, just as in a liquid, if one vehemently
disturbs it, sometimes no reflected image appears, while at other
times one appears, indeed, but utterly distorted, so as to seem
quite unlike its original; while, when once the motion has ceased, the
reflected images are clear and plain; in the same manner during
sleep the phantasms, or residuary movements, which are based upon
the sensory impressions, become sometimes quite obliterated by the
above described motion when too violent; while at other times the
sights are indeed seen, but confused and weird, and the dreams
[which then appear] are unhealthy, like those of persons who are
atrabilious, or feverish, or intoxicated with wine. For all such
affections, being spirituous, cause much commotion and disturbance. In
sanguineous animals, in proportion as the blood becomes calm, and as
its purer are separated from its less pure elements, the fact that the
movement, based on impressions derived from each of the organs of
sense, is preserved in its integrity, renders the dreams healthy,
causes a [clear] image to present itself, and makes the dreamer think,
owing to the effects borne in from the organ of sight, that he
actually sees, and owing to those which come from the organ of
hearing, that he really hears; and so on with those also which proceed
from the other sensory organs. For it is owing to the fact that the
movement which reaches the primary organ of sense comes from them,
that one even when awake believes himself to see, or hear, or
otherwise perceive; just as it is from a belief that the organ of
sight is being stimulated, though in reality not so stimulated, that
we sometimes erroneously declare ourselves to see, or that, from the
fact that touch announces two movements, we think that the one
object is two. For, as a rule, the governing sense affirms the
report of each particular sense, unless another particular sense, more
authoritative, makes a contradictory report. In every case an
appearance presents itself, but what appears does not in every case
seem real, unless when the deciding faculty is inhibited, or does
not move with its proper motion. Moreover, as we said that different
men are subject to illusions, each according to the different
emotion present in him, so it is that the sleeper, owing to sleep, and
to the movements then going on in his sensory organs, as well as to
the other facts of the sensory process, [is liable to illusion], so
that the dream presentation, though but little like it, appears as
some actual given thing. For when one is asleep, in proportion as most
of the blood sinks inwards to its fountain [the heart], the internal
[sensory] movements, some potential, others actual accompany it
inwards. They are so related [in general] that, if anything move the
blood, some one sensory movement will emerge from it, while if this
perishes another will take its place; while to one another also they
are related in the same way as the artificial frogs in water which
severally rise [in fixed succesion] to the surface in the order in
which the salt [which keeps them down] becomes dissolved. The
residuary movements are like these: they are within the soul
potentially, but actualize themselves only when the impediment to
their doing so has been relaxed; and according as they are thus set
free, they begin to move in the blood which remains in the sensory
organs, and which is now but scanty, while they possess verisimilitude
after the manner of cloud-shapes, which in their rapid metamorphoses
one compares now to human beings and a moment afterwards to
centaurs. Each of them is however, as has been said, the remnant of
a sensory impression taken when sense was actualizing itself; and when
this, the true impression, has departed, its remnant is still
immanent, and it is correct to say of it, that though not actually
Koriskos, it is like Koriskos. For when the person was actually
perceiving, his controlling and judging sensory faculty did not call
it Koriskos, but, prompted by this [impression], called the genuine
person yonder Koriskos. Accordingly, this sensory impulse, which, when
actually perceiving, it [the controlling faculty] describes (unless
completely inhibited by the blood), it now [in dreams] when
quasi-perceiving, receives from the movements persisting in the
sense-organs, and mistakes it-an impulse that is merely like the
true [objective] impression-for the true impression itself, while
the effect of sleep is so great that it causes this mistake to pass
unnoticed. Accordingly, just as if a finger be inserted beneath the
eyeball without being observed, one object will not only present two
visual images, but will create an opinion of its being two objects;
while if it [the finger] be observed, the presentation will be the
same, but the same opinion will not be formed of it; exactly so it
is in states of sleep: if the sleeper perceives that he is asleep, and
is conscious of the sleeping state during which the perception comes
before his mind, it presents itself still, but something within him
speaks to this effect: 'the image of Koriskos presents itself, but the
real Koriskos is not present'; for often, when one is asleep, there is
something in consciousness which declares that what then presents
itself is but a dream. If, however, he is not aware of being asleep,
there is nothing which will contradict the testimony of the bare
presentation.
That what we here urge is true, i.e. that there are such
presentative movements in the sensory organs, any one may convince
himself, if he attends to and tries to remember the affections we
experience when sinking into slumber or when being awakened. He will
sometimes, in the moment of awakening, surprise the images which
present themselves to him in sleep, and find that they are really
but movements lurking in the organs of sense. And indeed some very
young persons, if it is dark, though looking with wide open eyes,
see multitudes of phantom figures moving before them, so that they
often cover up their heads in terror.
From all this, then, the conclusion to be drawn is, that the dream
is a sort of presentation, and, more particularly, one which occurs in
sleep; since the phantoms just mentioned are not dreams, nor is any
other a dream which presents itself when the sense-perceptions are
in a state of freedom. Nor is every presentation which occurs in sleep
necessarily a dream. For in the first place, some persons [when
asleep] actually, in a certain way, perceive sounds, light, savour,
and contact; feebly, however, and, as it were, remotely. For there
have been cases in which persons while asleep, but with the eyes
partly open, saw faintly in their sleep (as they supposed) the light
of a lamp, and afterwards, on being awakened, straightway recognized
it as the actual light of a real lamp; while, in other cases,
persons who faintly heard the crowing of cocks or the barking of
dogs identified these clearly with the real sounds as soon as they
awoke. Some persons, too, return answers to questions put to them in
sleep. For it is quite possible that, of waking or sleeping, while the
one is present in the ordinary sense, the other also should be present
in a certain way. But none of these occurrences should be called a
dream. Nor should the true thoughts, as distinct from the mere
presentations, which occur in sleep [be called dreams]. The dream
proper is a presentation based on the movement of sense impressions,
when such presentation occurs during sleep, taking sleep in the strict
sense of the term.
There are cases of persons who in their whole lives have never had a
dream, while others dream when considerably advanced in years,
having never dreamed before. The cause of their not having dreams
appears somewhat like that which operates in the case of infants, and
[that which operates] immediately after meals. It is intelligible
enough that no dream-presentation should occur to persons whose
natural constitution is such that in them copious evaporation is borne
upwards, which, when borne back downwards, causes a large quantity of
motion. But it is not surprising that, as age advances, a dream should
at length appear to them. Indeed, it is inevitable that, as a change
is wrought in them in proportion to age or emotional experience, this
reversal [from non-dreaming to dreaming] should occur also.
THE END
350 BC
by Aristotle
translated by Arthur Platt
Book I
1
WE have now discussed the other parts of animals, both generally and
with reference to the peculiarities of each kind, explaining how
each part exists on account of such a cause, and I mean by this the
final cause.
There are four causes underlying everything: first, the final cause,
that for the sake of which a thing exists; secondly, the formal cause,
the definition of its essence (and these two we may regard pretty
much as one and the same); thirdly, the material; and fourthly, the
moving principle or efficient cause.
We have then already discussed the other three causes, for the
definition and the final cause are the same, and the material of
animals is their parts of the whole animal the non-homogeneous
parts, of these again the homogeneous, and of these last the so-called
elements of all matter. It remains to speak of those parts which
contribute to the generation of animals and of which nothing
definite has yet been said, and to explain what is the moving or
efficient cause. To inquire into this last and to inquire into the
generation of each animal is in a way the same thing; and,
therefore, my plan has united them together, arranging the
discussion of these parts last, and the beginning of the question of
generation next to them.
Now some animals come into being from the union of male and
female, i.e. all those kinds of animal which possess the two sexes.
This is not the case with all of them; though in the sanguinea with
few exceptions the creature, when its growth is complete, is either
male or female, and though some bloodless animals have sexes so that
they generate offspring of the same kind, yet other bloodless
animals generate indeed, but not offspring of the same kind; such
are all that come into being not from a union of the sexes, but from
decaying earth and excrements. To speak generally, if we take all
animals which change their locality, some by swimming, others by
flying, others by walking, we find in these the two sexes, not only in
the sanguinea but also in some of the bloodless animals; and this
applies in the case of the latter sometimes to the whole class, as the
cephalopoda and crustacea, but in the class of insects only to the
majority. Of these, all which are produced by union of animals of
the same kind generate also after their kind, but all which are not
produced by animals, but from decaying matter, generate indeed, but
produce another kind, and the offspring is neither male nor female;
such are some of the insects. This is what might have been expected,
for if those animals which are not produced by parents had
themselves united and produced others, then their offspring must
have been either like or unlike to themselves. If like, then their
parents ought to have come into being in the same way; this is only
a reasonable postulate to make, for it is plainly the case with
other animals. If unlike, and yet able to copulate, then there would
have come into being again from them another kind of creature and
again another from these, and this would have gone on to infinity. But
Nature flies from the infinite, for the infinite is unending or
imperfect, and Nature ever seeks an end.
But all those creatures which do not move, as the testacea and
animals that live by clinging to something else, inasmuch as their
nature resembles that of plants, have no sex any more than plants
have, but as applied to them the word is only used in virtue of a
similarity and analogy. For there is a slight distinction of this
sort, since even in plants we find in the same kind some trees which
bear fruit and others which, while bearing none themselves, yet
contribute to the ripening of the fruits of those which do, as in
the case of the fig-tree and caprifig.
The same holds good also in plants, some coming into being from seed
and others, as it were, by the spontaneous action of Nature, arising
either from decomposition of the earth or of some parts in other
plants, for some are not formed by themselves separately but are
produced upon other trees, as the mistletoe. Plants, however, must
be investigated separately.
2
Of the generation of animals we must speak as various questions
arise in order in the case of each, and we must connect our account
with what has been said. For, as we said above, the male and female
principles may be put down first and foremost as origins of
generation, the former as containing the efficient cause of
generation, the latter the material of it. The most conclusive proof
of this is drawn from considering how and whence comes the semen;
for there is no doubt that it is out of this that those creatures
are formed which are produced in the ordinary course of Nature; but we
must observe carefully the way in which this semen actually comes into
being from the male and female. For it is just because the semen is
secreted from the two sexes, the secretion taking place in them and
from them, that they are first principles of generation. For by a male
animal we mean that which generates in another, and by a female that
which generates in itself; wherefore men apply these terms to the
macrocosm also, naming Earth mother as being female, but addressing
Heaven and the Sun and other like entities as fathers, as causing
generation.
Male and female differ in their essence by each having a separate
ability or faculty, and anatomically by certain parts; essentially the
male is that which is able to generate in another, as said above;
the female is that which is able to generate in itself and out of
which comes into being the offspring previously existing in the
parent. And since they are differentiated by an ability or faculty and
by their function, and since instruments or organs are needed for
all functioning, and since the bodily parts are the instruments or
organs to serve the faculties, it follows that certain parts must
exist for union of parents and production of offspring. And these must
differ from each other, so that consequently the male will differ from
the female. (For even though we speak of the animal as a whole as
male or female, yet really it is not male or female in virtue of the
whole of itself, but only in virtue of a certain faculty and a certain
part- just as with the part used for sight or locomotion- which part
is also plain to sense-perception.)
Now as a matter of fact such parts are in the female the so-called
uterus, in the male the testes and the penis, in all the sanguinea;
for some of them have testes and others the corresponding passages.
There are corresponding differences of male and female in all the
bloodless animals also which have this division into opposite sexes.
But if in the sanguinea it is the parts concerned in copulation that
differ primarily in their forms, we must observe that a small change
in a first principle is often attended by changes in other things
depending on it. This is plain in the case of castrated animals,
for, though only the generative part is disabled, yet pretty well
the whole form of the animal changes in consequence so much that it
seems to be female or not far short of it, and thus it is clear than
an animal is not male or female in virtue of an isolated part or an
isolated faculty. Clearly, then, the distinction of sex is a first
principle; at any rate, when that which distinguishes male and
female suffers change, many other changes accompany it, as would be
the case if a first principle is changed.
3
The sanguinea are not all alike as regards testes and uterus. Taking
the former first, we find that some of them have not testes at all, as
the classes of fish and of serpents, but only two spermatic ducts.
Others have testes indeed, but internally by the loin in the region of
the kidneys, and from each of these a duct, as in the case of those
animals which have no testes at all, these ducts unite also as with
those animals; this applies (among animals breathing air and having a
lung) to all birds and oviparous quadrupeds. For all these have their
testes internal near the loin, and two ducts from these in the same
way as serpents; I mean the lizards and tortoises and all the scaly
reptiles. But all the vivipara have their testes in front; some of
them inside at the end of the abdomen, as the dolphin, not with
ducts but with a penis projecting externally from them; others
outside, either pendent as in man or towards the fundament as in
swine. They have been discriminated more accurately in the Enquiries
about Animals.
The uterus is always double, just as the testes are always two in
the male. It is situated either near the pudendum (as in women, and
all those animals which bring forth alive not only externally but also
internally, and all fish that lay eggs externally) or up towards
the hypozoma (as in all birds and in viviparous fishes). The
uterus is also double in the crustacea and the cephalopoda, for the
membranes which include their so-called eggs are of the nature of a
uterus. It is particularly hard to distinguish in the case of the
poulps, so that it seems to be single, but the reason of this is
that the bulk of the body is everywhere similar.
It is double also in the larger insects; in the smaller the question
is uncertain owing to the small size of the body.
Such is the description of the aforesaid parts of animals.
4
With regard to the difference of the spermatic organs in males, if
we are to investigate the causes of their existence, we must first
grasp the final cause of the testes. Now if Nature makes everything
either because it is necessary or because it is better so, this part
also must be for one of these two reasons. But that it is not
necessary for generation is plain; else had it been possessed by all
creatures that generate, but as it is neither serpents have testes nor
have fish; for they have been seen uniting and with their ducts full
of milt. It remains then that it must be because it is somehow
better so. Now it is true that the business of most animals is, you
may say, nothing else than to produce young, as the business of a
plant is to produce seed and fruit. But still as, in the case of
nutriment, animals with straight intestines are more violent in
their desire for food, so those which have not testes but only
ducts, or which have them indeed but internally, are all quicker in
accomplishing copulation. But those which are to be more temperate
in the one case have not straight intestines, and in the other have
their ducts twisted to prevent their desire being too violent and
hasty. It is for this that the testes are contrived; for they make the
movement of the spermatic secretion steadier, preserving the folding
back of the passages in the vivipara, as horses and the like, and in
man. (For details see the Enquiries about Animals.) For the testes
are no part of the ducts but are only attached to them, as women
fasten stones to the loom when weaving; if they are removed the
ducts are drawn up internally, so that castrated animals are unable to
generate; if they were not drawn up they would be able, and before now
a bull mounting immediately after castration has caused conception
in the cow because the ducts had not yet been drawn up. In birds and
oviparous quadrupeds the testes receive the spermatic secretion, so
that its expulsion is slower than in fishes. This is clear in the case
of birds, for their testes are much enlarged at the time of
copulation, and all those which pair at one season of the year have
them so small when this is past that they are almost indiscernible,
but during the season they are very large. When the testes are
internal the act of copulation is quicker than when they are external,
for even in the latter case the semen is not emitted before the testes
are drawn up.
5
Besides, quadrupeds have the organ of copulation, since it is
possible for them to have it, but for birds and the footless animals
it is not possible, because the former have their legs under the
middle of the abdomen and the latter have no legs at all; now the
penis depends from that region and is situated there. (Wherefore also
the legs are strained in intercourse, both the penis and the legs
being sinewy.) So that, since it is not possible for them to have
this organ, they must necessarily either have no testes also, or at
any rate not have them there, as those animals that have both penis
and testes have them in the same situation.
Further, with those animals at any rate that have external testes,
the semen is collected together before emission, and emission is due
to the penis being heated by its movement; it is not ready for
emission at immediate contact as in fishes.
All the vivipira have their testes in front, internally or
externally, except the hedgehog; he alone has them near the loin. This
is for the same reason as with birds, because their union must be
quick, for the hedgehog does not, like the other quadrupeds, mount
upon the back of the female, but they conjugate standing upright
because of their spines.
So much for the reasons why those animals have testes which have
them, and why they are sometimes external and sometimes internal.
6
All those animals which have no testes are deficient in this part,
as has been said, not because it is better to be so but simply because
of necessity, and secondly because it is necessary that their
copulation should be speedy. Such is the nature of fish and
serpents. Fish copulate throwing themselves alongside of the females
and separating again quickly. For as men and all such creatures must
hold their breath before emitting the semen, so fish at such times
must cease taking in the sea-water, and then they perish easily.
Therefore they must not mature the semen during copulation, as
viviparous land-animals do, but they have it all matured together
before the time, so as not to be maturing it while in contact but to
emit it ready matured. So they have no testes, and the ducts are
straight and simple. There is a small part similar to this connected
with the testes in the system of quadrupeds, for part of the reflected
duct is sanguineous and part is not; the fluid is already semen when
it is received by and passes through this latter part, so that once it
has arrived there it is soon emitted in these quadrupeds also. Now
in fishes the whole passage resembles the last section of the
reflected part of the duct in man and similar animals.
7
Serpents copulate twining round one another, and, as said above,
have neither testes nor penis, the latter because they have no legs,
the former because of their length, but they have ducts like for on
account of their extreme length the seminal fluid would take too
long in its passage and be cooled if it were further delayed by
testes. (This happens also if the penis is large; such men are less
fertile than when it is smaller because the semen, if cold, is not
generative, and that which is carried too far is cooled.) So much for
the reason why some animals have testes and others not. Serpents
intertwine because of their inaptitude to cast themselves alongside of
one another. For they are too long to unite closely with so small a
part and have no organs of attachment, so they make use of the
suppleness of their bodies, intertwining. Wherefore also they seem
to be slower in copulation than fish, not only on account of the
length of the ducts but also of this elaborate arrangement in uniting.
8
It is not easy to state the facts about the uterus in female
animals, for there are many points of difference. The vivipara are not
alike in this part; women and all the vivipara with feet have the
uterus low down by the pudendum, but the cartilaginous viviparous fish
have it higher up near the hypozoma. In the ovipara, again, it is
low in fish (as in women and the viviparous quadrupeds), high in
birds and all oviparous quadrupeds. Yet even these differences are
on a principle. To begin with the ovipara, they differ in the manner
of laying their eggs, for some produce them imperfect, as fishes whose
eggs increase and are finally developed outside of them. The reason is
that they produce many young, and this is their function as it is with
plants. If then they perfected the egg in themselves they must needs
be few in number, but as it is, they have so many that each uterus
seems to be an egg, at any rate in the small fishes. For these are the
most productive, just as with the other animals and plants whose
nature is analogous to theirs, for the increase of size turns with
them to seed.
But the eggs of birds and the quadrupedal ovipara are perfect when
produced. In order that these may be preserved they must have a hard
covering (for their envelope is soft so long as they are increasing
in size), and the shell is made by heat squeezing out the moisture
for the earthy material; consequently the place must be hot in which
this is to happen. But the part about the hypozoma is hot, as is shown
by that being the part which concocts the food. If then the eggs
must be within the uterus, then the uterus must be near the hypozoma
in those creatures which produce their eggs in a perfect form.
Similarly it must be low down in those which produce them imperfect,
for it is profitable that it should be so. And it is more natural
for the uterus to be low down than high up, when Nature has no other
business in hand to hinder it; for its end is low down, and where is
the end, there is the function, and the uterus itself is naturally
where the function is.
9
We find differences in the vivipara also as compared with one
another. Some produce their young alive, not only externally, but also
internally, as men, horses, dogs, and all those which have hair, and
among aquatic animals, dolphins, whales, and such cetacea.
10
But the cartilaginous fish and the vipers produce their young
alive externally, but first produce eggs internally. The egg is
perfect, for so only can an animal be generated from an egg, and
nothing comes from an imperfect one. It is because they are of a
cold nature, not hot as some assert, that they do not lay their eggs
externally.
11
At least they certainly produce their eggs in a soft envelope, the
reason being that they have but little heat and so their nature does
not complete the process of drying the egg-shell. Because, then,
they are cold they produce soft-shelled eggs, and because the eggs are
soft they do not produce them externally; for that would have caused
their destruction.
The process is for the most part the same as in birds, for the egg
descends and the young is hatched from it near the vagina, where the
young is produced in those animals which are viviparous from the
beginning. Therefore in such animals the uterus is dissimilar to
that of both the vivipara and ovipara, because they participate in
both classes; for it is at once near the hypozoma and also
stretching along downwards in all the cartilaginous fishes. But the
facts about this and the other kinds of uterus must be gathered from
inspection of the drawings of dissections and from the Enquiries.
Thus, because they are oviparous, laying perfect eggs, they have the
uterus placed high, but, as being viviparous, low, participating in
both classes.
Animals that are viviparous from the beginning all have it low,
Nature here having no other business to interfere with her, and
their production having no double character. Besides this, it is
impossible for animals to be produced alive near the hypozoma, for the
foetus must needs be heavy and move, and that region in the mother
is vital and would not be able to bear the weight and the movement.
Thirdly, parturition would be difficult because of the length of the
passage to be traversed; even as it is there is difficulty with
women if they draw up the uterus in parturition by yawning or anything
of the kind, and even when empty it causes a feeling of suffocation if
moved upwards. For if a uterus is to hold a living animal it must be
stronger than in ovipara, and therefore in all the vivipara it is
fleshy, whereas when the uterus is near the hypozoma it is membranous.
And this is clear also in the case of the animals which produce
young by the mixed method, for their eggs are high up and sideways,
but the living young are produced in the lower part of the uterus.
So much for the reason why differences are found in the uterus of
various animals, and generally why it is low in some and high in
others near the hypozoma.
12
Why is the uterus always internal, but the testes sometimes
internal, sometimes external? The reason for the uterus always being
internal is that in this is contained the egg or foetus, which needs
guarding, shelter, and maturation by concoction, while the outer
surface of the body is easily injured and cold. The testes vary in
position because they also need shelter and a covering to preserve
them and to mature the semen; for it would be impossible for them,
if chilled and stiffened, to be drawn up and discharge it.
Therefore, whenever the testes are visible, they have a cuticular
covering known as the scrotum. If the nature of the skin is opposed to
this, being too hard to be adapted for enclosing them or for being
soft like a true 'skin', as with the scaly integument of fish and
reptiles, then the testes must needs be internal. Therefore they are
so in dolphins and all the cetacea which have them, and in the
oviparous quadrupeds among the scaly animals. The skin of birds also
is hard so that it will not conform to the size of anything and
enclose it neatly. (This is another reason with all these animals for
their testes being internal besides those previously mentioned as
arising necessarily from the details of copulation.) For the same
reason they are internal in the elephant and hedgehog, for the skin of
these, too, is not well suited to keep the protective part separate.
[The position of the uterus differs in animals viviparous within
themselves and those externally oviparous, and in the latter class
again it differs in those which have the uterus low and those which
have it near the hypozoma, as in fishes compared with birds and
oviparous quadrupeds. And it is different again in those which produce
young in both ways, being oviparous internally and viviparous
externally. For those which are viviparous both internally and
externally have the uterus placed on the abdomen, as men, cattle,
dogs, and the like, since it is expedient for the safety and growth of
the foetus that no weight should be upon the uterus.]
13
The passages also are different through which the solid and liquid
excreta pass out in all the vivipara. Wherefore both males and females
in this class all have a part whereby the urine is voided, and this
serves also for the issue of the semen in males, of the offspring in
females. This passage is situated above and in front of the passage of
the solid excreta. The passage is the same as that of the solid
nutriment in all those animals that have no penis, in all the ovipara,
even those of them that have a bladder, as the tortoises. For it is
for the sake of generation, not for the evacuation of the urine,
that the passages are double; but because the semen is naturally
liquid, the liquid excretion also shares the same passage. This is
clear from the fact that all animals produce semen, but all do not
void liquid excrement. Now the spermatic passages of the male must
be fixed and must not wander, and the same applies to the uterus of
the female, and this fixing must take place at either the front or the
back of the body. To take the uterus first, it is in the front of
the body in vivipara because of the foetus, but at the loin and the
back in ovipara. All animals which are internally oviparous and
externally viviparous are in an intermediate condition because they
participate in both classes, being at once oviparous and viviparous.
For the upper part of the uterus, where the eggs are produced, is
under the hypozoma by the loin and the back, but as it advances is low
at the abdomen; for it is in that part that the animal is
viviparous. In these also the passage for solid excrement and for
copulation is the same, for none of these, as has been said already,
has a separate pudendum.
The same applies to the passages in the male, whether they have
testes or no, as to the uterus of the ovipara. For in all of them, not
only in the ovipara, the ducts adhere to the back and the region of
the spine. For they must not wander but be settled, and that is the
character of the region of the back, which gives continuity and
stability. Now in those which have internal testes, the ducts are
fixed from the first, and they are fixed in like manner if the
testes are external; then they meet together towards the region of the
penis.
The like applies to the ducts in the dolphins, but they have their
testes hidden under the abdominal cavity.
We have now discussed the situation of the parts contributing to
generation, and the causes thereof.
14
The bloodless animals do not agree either with the sanguinea or with
each other in the fashion of the parts contributing to generation.
There are four classes still left to deal with, first the crustacea,
secondly the cephalopoda, thirdly the insects, and fourthly the
testacea. We cannot be certain about all of them, but that most of
them copulate is plain; in what manner they unite must be stated
later.
The crustacea copulate like the retromingent quadrupeds, fitting
their tails to one another, the one supine and the other prone. For
the flaps attached to the sides of the tail being long prevent them
from uniting with the belly against the back. The males have fine
spermatic ducts, the females a membranous uterus alongside the
intestine, cloven on each side, in which the egg is produced.
15
The cephalopoda entwine together at the mouth, pushing against one
another and enfolding their arms. This attitude is necessary,
because Nature has bent backwards the end of the intestine and brought
it round near the mouth, as has been said before in the treatise on
the parts of animals. The female has a part corresponding to the
uterus, plainly to be seen in each of these animals, for it contains
an egg which is at first indivisible to the eye but afterwards
splits up into many; each of these eggs is imperfect when deposited,
as with the oviparous fishes. In the cephalopoda (as also in the
crustacea) the same passage serves to void the excrement and leads to
the part like a uterus, for the male discharges the seminal fluid
through this passage. And it is on the lower surface of the body,
where the mantle is open and the sea-water enters the cavity. Hence
the union of the male with the female takes place at this point, for
it is necessary, if the male discharges either semen or a part of
himself or any other force, that he should unite with her at the
uterine passage. But the insertion, in the case of the poulps, of
the arm of the male into the funnel of the female, by which arm the
fishermen say the male copulates with her, is only for the sake of
attachment, and it is not an organ useful for generation, for it is
outside the passage in the male and indeed outside the body of the
male altogether.
Sometimes also cephalopoda unite by the male mounting on the back of
the female, but whether for generation or some other cause has not yet
been observed.
16
Some insects copulate and the offspring are produced from animals of
the same name, just as with the sanguinea; such are the locusts,
cicadae, spiders, wasps, and ants. Others unite indeed and generate;
but the result is not a creature of the same kind, but only a
scolex, and these insects do not come into being from animals but from
putrefying matter, liquid or solid; such are fleas, flies, and
cantharides. Others again are neither produced from animals nor
unite with each other; such are gnats, 'conopes', and many similar
kinds. In most of those which unite the female is larger than the
male. The males do not appear to have spermatic passages. In most
cases the male does not insert any part into the female, but the
female from below upwards into the male; this has been observed in
many cases (as also that the male mounts the female), the opposite
in few cases; but observations are not yet comprehensive enough to
enable us to make a distinction of classes. And generally it is the
rule with most of the oviparous fish and oviparous quadrupeds that the
female is larger than the because this is expedient in view of the
increase of bulk in conception by reason of the eggs. In the female
the part analogous to the uterus is cleft and extends along the
intestine, as with the other animals; in this are produced the results
of conception. This is clear in locusts and all other large insects
whose nature it is to unite; most insects are too small to be observed
in this respect.
Such is the character of the generative organs in animals which were
not spoken of before. It remains now to speak of the homogeneous parts
concerned, the seminal fluid and milk. We will take the former
first, and treat of milk afterwards.
17
Some animals manifestly emit semen, as all the sanguinea, but
whether the insects and cephalopoda do so is uncertain. Therefore this
is a question to be considered, whether all males do so, or not all;
and if not all, why some do and some not; and whether the female
also contributes any semen or not; and, if not semen, whether she does
not contribute anything else either, or whether she contributes
something else which is not semen. We must also inquire what those
animals which emit semen contribute by means of it to generation,
and generally what is the nature of semen, and of the so-called
catamenia in all animals which discharge this liquid.
Now it is thought that all animals are generated out of semen, and
that the semen comes from the parents. Wherefore it is part of the
same inquiry to ask whether both male and female produce it or only
one of them, and to ask whether it comes from the whole of the body or
not from the whole; for if the latter is true it is reasonable to
suppose that it does not come from both parents either. Accordingly,
since some say that it comes from the whole of the body, we must
investigate this question first.
The proofs from which it can be argued that the semen comes from
each and every part of the body may be reduced to four. First, the
intensity of the pleasure of coition; for the same state of feeling is
more pleasant if multiplied, and that which affects all the parts is
multiplied as compared with that which affects only one or a few.
Secondly, the alleged fact that mutilations are inherited, for they
argue that since the parent is deficient in this part the semen does
not come from thence, and the result is that the corresponding part is
not formed in the offspring. Thirdly, the resemblances to the parents,
for the young are born like them part for part as well as in the whole
body; if then the coming of the semen from the whole body is cause
of the resemblance of the whole, so the parts would be like because it
comes from each of the parts. Fourthly, it would seem to be reasonable
to say that as there is some first thing from which the whole
arises, so it is also with each of the parts, and therefore if semen
or seed is cause of the whole so each of the parts would have a seed
peculiar to itself. And these opinions are plausibly supported by such
evidence as that children are born with a likeness to their parents,
not in congenital but also in acquired characteristics; for before
now, when the parents have had scars, the children have been born with
a mark in the form of the scar in the same place, and there was a case
at Chalcedon where the father had a brand on his arm and the letter
was marked on the child, only confused and not clearly articulated.
That is pretty much the evidence on which some believe that the
semen comes from all the body.
18
On examining the question, however, the opposite appears more
likely, for it is not hard to refute the above arguments and the
view involves impossibilities. First, then, the resemblance of
children to parents is no proof that the semen comes from the whole
body, because the resemblance is found also in voice, nails, hair, and
way of moving, from which nothing comes. And men generate before
they yet have certain characters, such as a beard or grey hair.
Further, children are like their more remote ancestors from whom
nothing has come, for the resemblances recur at an interval of many
generations, as in the case of the woman in Elis who had intercourse
with the Aethiop; her daughter was not an Aethiop but the son of
that daughter was. The same thing applies also to plants, for it is
clear that if this theory were true the seed would come from all parts
of plants also; but often a plant does not possess one part, and
another part may be removed, and a third grows afterwards. Besides,
the seed does not come from the pericarp, and yet this also comes into
being with the same form as in the parent plant.
We may also ask whether the semen comes from each of the homogeneous
parts only, such as flesh and bone and sinew, or also from the
heterogeneous, such as face and hands. For if from the former only, we
object that resemblance exists rather in the heterogeneous parts, such
as face and hands and feet; if then it is not because of the semen
coming from all parts that children resemble their parents in these,
what is there to stop the homogeneous parts also from being like for
some other reason than this? If the semen comes from the heterogeneous
alone, then it does not come from all parts; but it is more fitting
that it should come from the homogeneous parts, for they are prior
to the heterogeneous which are composed of them; and as children are
born like their parents in face and hands, so they are, necessarily,
in flesh and nails. If the semen comes from both, what would be the
manner of generation? For the heteroeneous parts are composed of the
homogneous, so that to come from the former would be to come from
the latter and from their composition. To make this clearer by an
illustration, take a written name; if anything came from the whole
of it, it would be from each of the syllables, and if from these, from
the letters and their composition. So that if really flesh and bones
are composed of fire and the like elements, the semen would come
rather from the elements than anything else, for how can it come
from their composition? Yet without this composition there would be no
resemblance. If again something creates this composition later, it
would be this that would be the cause of the resemblance, not the
coming of the semen from every part of the body.
Further, if the parts of the future animal are separated in the
semen, how do they live? and if they are connected, they would form
a small animal.
And what about the generative parts? For that which comes from the
male is not similar to what comes from the female.
Again, if the semen comes from all parts of both parents alike,
the result is two animals, for the offspring will have all the parts
of both. Wherefore Empedocles seems to say what agrees pretty well
with this view (if we are to adopt it), to a certain extent at any
rate, but to be wrong if we think otherwise. What he says agrees
with it when he declares that there is a sort of tally in the male and
female, and that the whole offspring does not come from either, 'but
sundered is the fashion of limbs, some in man's...' For why does not
the female generate from herself if the semen comes from all parts
alike and she has a receptacle ready in the uterus? But, it seems,
either it does not come from all the parts, or if it does it is in the
way Empedocles says, not the same parts coming from each parent, which
is why they need intercourse with each other.
Yet this also is impossible, just as much as it is impossible for
the parts when full grown to survive and have life in them when torn
apart, as Empedocles accounts for the creation of animals; in the time
of his 'Reign of Love', says he, 'many heads sprang up without necks,'
and later on these isolated parts combined into animals. Now that this
is impossible is plain, for neither would the separate parts be able
to survive without having any soul or life in them, nor if they were
living things, so to say, could several of them combine so as to
become one animal again. Yet those who say that semen comes from the
whole of the body really have to talk in that way, and as it
happened then in the earth during the 'Reign of Love', so it happens
according to them in the body. Now it is impossible that the parts
should be united together when they come into being and should come
from different parts of the parent, meeting together in one place.
Then how can the upper and lower, right and left, front and back parts
have been 'sundered'? All these points are unintelligible. Further,
some parts are distinguished by possessing a faculty, others by
being in certain states or conditions; the heterogeneous, as tongue
and hand, by the faculty of doing something, the homogeneous by
hardness and softness and the other similar states. Blood, then,
will not be blood, nor flesh flesh, in any and every state. It is
clear, then, that that which comes from any part, as blood from
blood or flesh from flesh, will not be identical with that part. But
if it is something different from which the blood of the offspring
comes, the coming of the semen from all the parts will not be the
cause of the resemblance, as is held by the supporters of this theory.
For if blood is formed from something which is not blood, it is enough
that the semen come from one part only, for why should not all the
other parts of the offspring as well as blood be formed from one
part of the parent? Indeed, this theory seems to be the same as that
of Anaxagoras, that none of the homogeneous parts come into being,
except that these theorists assume, in the case of the generation of
animals, what he assumed of the universe.
Then, again, how will these parts that came from all the body of the
parent be increased or grow? It is true that Anaxagoras plausibly says
that particles of flesh out of the food are added to the flesh. But if
we do not say this (while saying that semen comes from all parts of
the body), how will the foetus become greater by the addition of
something else if that which is added remain unchanged? But if that
which is added can change, then why not say that the semen from the
very first is of such a kind that blood and flesh can be made out of
it, instead of saying that it itself is blood and flesh? Nor is
there any other alternative, for surely we cannot say that it is
increased later by a process of mixing, as wine when water is poured
into it. For in that case each element of the mixture would be
itself at first while still unmixed, but the fact rather is that flesh
and bone and each of the other parts is such later. And to say that
some part of the semen is sinew and bone is quite above us, as the
saying is.
Besides all this there is a difficulty if the sex is determined in
conception (as Empedocles says: 'it is shed in clean vessels; some
wax female, if they fall in with cold'). Anyhow, it is plain that
both men and women change not only from infertile to fertile, but also
from bearing female to bearing male offspring, which looks as if the
cause does not lie in the semen coming from all the parent or not, but
in the mutual proportion or disproportion of that comes from the woman
and the man, or in something of this kind. It is clear, then, if we
are to put this down as being so, that the female sex is not
determined by the semen coming from any particular part, and
consequently neither is the special sexual part so determined (if
really the same semen can become either male or female child, which
shows that the sexual part does not exist in the semen). Why, then,
should we assert this of this part any more than of others? For if
semen does not come from this part, the uterus, the same account may
be given of the others.
Again, some creatures come into being neither from parents of the
same kind nor from parents of a different kind, as flies and the
various kinds of what are called fleas; from these are produced
animals indeed, but not in this case of similar nature but a kind of
scolex. It is plain in this case that the young of a different kind
are not produced by semen coming from all parts of the parent, for
they would then resemble them, i